Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 102

Therefore, Europeans have a strange mentality when they are in the East. On the one hand, they despise the Eastern class system and regard it as a custom of a barbaric society. On the other hand, they do not hesitate to place themselves above people of color and create an image of European civilization as more advanced.

Although Dr. Rohrbach was one of these people, he concealed this fact well in Wuhan because the Chinese there disliked condescending attitudes, regardless of whether the person was a foreigner or Chinese. In the doctor's view, it seemed more like a French Revolution had taken place, with everyone pursuing equality and using the ideal of equality to adorn themselves. Those who opposed equality were seen as outdated old fogies or imperialists trying to oppress China, and such people could not expect friendly treatment from the city's residents.

Chapter 360 Consultation

The German Consulate is a two-story brick building in the Victorian style. However, in order to protect against Wuhan's hot summers, the designer built an outer corridor around the building so that the summer sun could not shine directly into the rooms, thus lowering the temperature inside.

To allow for better air circulation, the building has very high ceilings and a large pitched roof, creating a tower-like structure. While this provides comfort in the summer, it can be quite dark inside during the winter and spring.

After Tian Junyi entered the consulate, someone led him to the second floor, up a centrally located corner staircase. The German Consulate was the first building in Hankou to complete electrification, and it was also a work by Siemens to showcase its technology and design concepts.

After 1903, all new buildings in Wuhan were required to have pre-installed electrical wires, telephone lines, and water pipes, thus abandoning the old concept that houses were just for living in. Housing should be a place for personal living and rest, allowing people to rest well at home and then go to work full of energy, which became a new architectural design concept.

This concept quickly spread to workers' dormitories and residences. Although it resulted in many more monotonous bungalows in Wuhan, these bungalows fully conformed to the new design concept and had all the necessary living facilities for a family or individual. Unlike before, when people had to find their own solutions to problems such as lighting and water supply after moving into a house.

Since most of these new residential areas are built in the suburbs, they form a new living area so that these new residents can eat, buy groceries and daily necessities nearby. Public transportation connects them to the city and their workplaces, which not only alleviates the land shortage in the city center, but also promotes the development of the suburbs.

Tian Junyi is sometimes surprised by the profound impact that introducing modern technology into urban life can have on a city, because in their minds, it's perfectly natural that the farther away from the city center, the less convenient life becomes. However, modern technology has greatly reduced the cost of living difference between the city center and the suburbs, making large cities more livable.

A large, densely populated city represents a rich pool of labor resources and a large, concentrated market, because people inherently possess the dual attributes of producer and consumer. Therefore, the larger the city, the more concentrated its production and market become.

The larger the city, the stronger its control over the surrounding villages. Now, the landlord class in the suburbs of Wuhan has almost no channels to make their voices heard. The number of people they can mobilize in a village or clan is limited to two or three thousand at most, but a district in Wuhan can mobilize more than 100,000 people.

Through their experience managing Wuhan, the Workers' Party comrades further confirmed the necessity of controlling industrial cities. Traditional consumer-driven cities had essentially siphoned off the countryside, so severing ties between the countryside and the city would benefit the countryside more than it harm, but the city would collapse without the support of the countryside.

Industrial cities, however, do not need to worry about this because their relationship with rural areas is one of exchange. For rural areas to actively sever this exchange would be self-destructive, a decision clearly not made by a few individuals. The more industrial cities develop, the closer their ties become to rural areas, completely destroying the original economic structure and power base of the countryside.

Therefore, some party members believe that instead of sending 100 party members to work in the countryside, it would be better to transport 100 truckloads of industrial products to the countryside, which would change the face of the countryside more effectively. This is because farmers are more focused on immediate interests and will not rise up in rebellion unless they are oppressed to the extreme. Even if they do rise up in rebellion, it will be with egalitarianism and the mentality of mountain bandits.

Although Tian Junyi did not agree with the claim that industrialization and urbanization could solve all problems, he did acknowledge that they could solve most. For example, the peasants on the Jianghan Plain were mostly obedient to the local gentry. Was it because the gentry did not oppress them? Of course not. The reason these peasants were willing to endure the oppression of the gentry to support them was because these gentry were the builders and maintainers of the local water conservancy facilities.

The Jianghan Plain was actually a large lake in ancient times. It was created by generations of people draining water and reclaiming land for cultivation. Even now, many villages are built within the dikes. If a village was driven out by the gentry, the whole family would starve to death. Even if the gentry abandoned the village, many villages would still struggle to survive because ordinary people lacked the resources to maintain water conservancy.

However, after the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee took over the construction of water conservancy facilities in the Jianghan Plain, the influence of the gentry in the area quickly diminished. This was because the local farmers no longer had any worries, and the gentry, who were no longer in charge of water conservancy construction, naturally had no right to oppress everyone from their superior position.

Previously, peasants who were unwilling to join peasant associations and oppose the gentry were now enthusiastically joining them. This demonstrates that industrialization did indeed contribute to the disintegration of the feudal hierarchy in rural areas.

When the German guide opened the door to the reception room and invited him in, Tian Junyi finally withdrew his感慨 (feelings of deep emotion) about the impact of modern technology. Dr. Rohrbach soon arrived at the reception room and greeted Tian Junyi warmly.

After the two sat down, the doctor asked him why he had come. Tian Junyi was silent for a few seconds before speaking, "I came to see you today, Doctor, because I have a question I would like to ask you. However, this is not a formal conversation, but a private consultation. I wonder if you understand what I mean?"

After listening to the translator's account, Dr. Rohrbach replied with a smile, "Of course, as your friend, I'd be happy to offer you some personal advice."

Tian Junyi understood the doctor's implied meaning, but he didn't care, because he knew that the other party couldn't avoid the question he had raised. He adjusted his breathing slightly and said, "If we declare war on France, what kind of actions will Germany take in Europe?"

"What?" Dr. Rohrbach was very shocked. He could understand simple Chinese, but he still asked the translator several times to confirm that he had not misheard.

This question left him somewhat bewildered, as it was beyond his expectations. He had never imagined that China would declare war on France, even though this was something Germany would have welcomed. He still countered Tian Jun's question, "Why? Why are you declaring war on France? As far as I know, France has no intention of joining Russia in its war against China..."

Faced with a barrage of questions from the doctor, Tian Junyi remained calm and said, "Currently, our country is in conflict with both Britain and Russia, but we believe that the solution to these conflicts lies not here, but in Europe. This is because China is the defender, and defense cannot force the attacker to surrender."

Therefore, as long as Britain and Russia wish, they can drag the war on indefinitely, which is clearly disadvantageous to us. We need time to rebuild our nation, but the war is wasting vast amounts of resources and lives. Therefore, we need the fastest way to end the war…”

Dr. Rohrbach had to interrupt him, saying, "But what does this have to do with your declaration of war against France? Does bringing France into the conflict end the war in the Far East? Or do you think our country would declare war on France because of this? Why would our country do that?"

Tian Junyi ignored the doctor's attempt to downplay the conflicts between European countries and calmly said, "The one that can connect Britain and Russia is France, and France's biggest enemy is Germany."

Perhaps the agreements Britain and Russia signed with France were intended to contain Germany, but the agreements France signed with Britain and Russia were undoubtedly aimed at dealing with Germany. Therefore, France harbored a desire to wage war against Germany.

The doctor curled his lip and said, "Yes, the French have always wanted revenge, but with their strength, it's impossible for them to attack Germany."

Tian Junyi nodded in agreement, saying, "Yes, the French cannot attack Germany, but as long as France is hostile to Germany, Germany cannot do anything. This is exactly what Britain and Russia are thinking. So unless Germany is content with the status quo, it will find itself being hostile to by three neighboring countries."

So, wouldn't it be the best strategy for Germany to break the encirclement of Europe by quickly defeating France and then reaching a genuine reconciliation with France, thus destroying the foundation of the alliance between Britain, France, and Russia?

"Now, Britain and Russia are at war with our country. If we were to drag France into the Far East war, wouldn't that create an opportunity for Germany to wage war against France? When Germany defeats France, the Far East war will come to an end. This is precisely our plan."

"Ha, ha, are you trying to get our country to disrupt the order in Europe? That's wishful thinking." Dr. Rohrbach righteously rebuked Tian Junyi for trying to provoke a war in Europe, but his tone was too weak and his eyes were too shifty.

Tian Junyi smiled slightly, then abruptly changed the subject, saying, "Currently, our country is facing numerous disasters and is embroiled in two wars. We hope to obtain further support from Germany. For example, urging the signing of the previous 2.2 million mark loan agreement. In addition, we need an emergency fund of approximately 2 to 3 million marks, and we hope it will be an interest-free loan..."

Dr. Rohrbach could not possibly agree to such an unreasonable request, but he did not refuse either. When he saw Tian Junyi off at the end of the conversation, he implied to Tian Junyi that there were many common interests between Germany and China, and that Germany would naturally provide more support to China in order to safeguard these interests.

After leaving the German consulate, Tian Junyi returned to his office and immediately wrote a letter, which he gave to his secretary to deliver to Qin Lishan in the north.

Chapter 361 A Request for Friendship

Qin Lishan received the letter on May 10th. At that time, the atmosphere in Beijing was very bad because the Russian army had captured Chicheng. Various rumors were circulating in the market. Some said that the Russian army had reached Huailai, some said that the Russian army had appeared in Yanqing, and there were even more bizarre rumors that the Russian army had appeared in Changping, Huairou and Tongzhou.

Changping and Huairou are one thing, but Tongzhou is already east of Beijing. Unless the Russian army can fly, it's impossible for them to be there. However, the information Qin Lishan can deduce is very difficult for ordinary people to grasp. The Qing Dynasty's policy of keeping the people ignorant prevents them from discussing current affairs; only the upper echelons have the right to speak now. Therefore, the lower classes are particularly reliant on rumors because they know the court won't tell the truth.

Especially when the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded Beijing, almost all the Qing loyalists who believed that the Empress Dowager would defend Beijing with them to the death were killed by the Eight-Nation Alliance. How could the remaining people dare to trust the court? Because of this, even the most absurd and outlandish rumors were believed by some people.

Because the Russian army was on the verge of breaking through the Yi army's defenses, the people of Beijing shifted their attention from the National Assembly to the war against Russia. Although the National Assembly was crucial to the future of the Qing Dynasty, if the Russian army reached the gates of Beijing, they wouldn't even have a chance to live today, so how could they think about tomorrow?

Despite the uproar in Beijing, Qin Lishan remained calm. Although he didn't know how the battle was going at the front, he knew that supplies were still being transported to Shanxi, which meant that the troops in Wuhan were still fighting. So he had nothing to worry about. Even if the Russian army reached the outskirts of Beijing, so what? At worst, he could just move the National Assembly to Wuhan, which would actually be more beneficial to Wuhan.

Although the imperial court claimed it would emulate Japan's Meiji Restoration by having gentry from various regions send representatives to Beijing to convene a national assembly, the court had no such good intentions. Not only were Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary party excluded, but even the constitutionalists from Jiangsu and Zhejiang were limited in number. The court selected only loyal gentry who were devoted to the Qing Dynasty. If it weren't for the lack of representatives from Wuhan, which prevented the assembly from taking place, the court probably wouldn't have wanted them to participate at all.

Upon seeing the composition of the parliament, Qin Lishan knew that it wouldn't be able to reach any meaningful discussions, because the people there didn't represent the people at all. Not only did Sun Yat-sen's Tongmenghui repeatedly protest in Shanghai newspapers, but even members of the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Constitutional Party felt that the number of representatives should be increased. Therefore, on the first day of the meeting, Qin Lishan proposed two motions, almost ruining the parliamentary session.

What were these two bills that nearly disintegrated Parliament? The first was to designate Li Hongzhang as a traitor, confiscate all his property, and abolish all the secret treaties he had signed. The second was to require Parliament to pass a law that anyone who dared to propose peace while the aggressors were still within the country's borders would be punished as a traitor.

Naturally, few dared to support these two proposals. If Li Hongzhang was a traitor, then what was Empress Dowager Cixi? Peace could not be negotiated without driving out the invaders, which was detrimental to both the northern court and the Beiyang clique; they clearly could not accept the Wuhan proposals. However, a new problem arose: neither the court nor the Beiyang clique was willing to openly oppose the two Wuhan proposals, because at present, it was Wuhan, not them, that had the resources to support them.

Empress Dowager Cixi bluntly told Prince Qing, "They're not here to discuss any demands; they're deliberately trying to disrupt the meeting. If the court objects, they can conveniently announce their withdrawal, and then they'll be in the right..."

The Beiyang clique was even more opposed to this, as Li Hongzhang was the progenitor of the Huai clique, and labeling him a traitor would obviously damage the Beiyang's reputation. However, Yuan Shikai could not openly oppose it, because he was unsure of what other secret agreements Li Hongzhang had signed. If he were to defend Li Hongzhang now, it would mean taking responsibility for him, which was certainly impossible.

Therefore, a grandly convened parliament suddenly fell silent. Until a change in circumstances occurred, everyone could only postpone the matter. In truth, none of the three parties had much interest in how to convene this parliament, and those who were genuinely interested in drafting a constitution for the Qing Dynasty lacked the power to do so.

Even if the constitutionalists from Jiangsu and Zhejiang managed to contact Liang Qichao, they only held about 10% of the seats in the National Assembly, and they had no influence over the National Assembly's agenda. Moreover, with the nation still at war, and the entire country focused on the Beiyang government, Wuhan, and the imperial court, who would expect these constitutionalists to go to the battlefield?

While waiting, Qin Lishan received such a letter, which troubled him greatly, as he felt the strategy seemed somewhat risky. He first sent a telegram back to confirm. On May 12th, Wuhan replied, Tian Junyi insisting on his position from the letter. Qin Lishan had no choice but to comply. He then sent a message to the French Minister Pasteur, expressing his intention to visit him.

Pasteur was actually quite reluctant to meet Qin Lishan because Wuhan was far too unfriendly to France and had even threatened the French Republic with war. If the Republic hadn't been in such a difficult situation, he would certainly have advised Paris to teach the Chinese a lesson. Especially since Wuhan's representatives had come to Beijing and their first priority was to reclaim the Zhengtai Railway, which only made him more dislikeful of Wuhan's representatives.

However, as a professional diplomat, he knew that his likes and dislikes did not represent the will of France, so he finally accepted Qin Lishan's request and agreed to meet with him the following afternoon.

The French legation was originally the residence of the Prince Chun, but apart from the stone lions and walls at the entrance, the gate and the buildings inside had been renovated by the French. After Qin Lishan was led to the reception room, the French Minister Pasteur, dressed in tennis attire, walked in and said to Qin Lishan condescendingly, "I have a tennis appointment, so could you briefly explain the purpose of your visit, Mr. Qin?"

Qin Lishan stood up and greeted Pasteur. He was not angered by Pasteur's dismissive attitude. He said to the French ambassador with a cold expression, "Of course. My purpose in coming here is very simple. I would like to ask you, Ambassador, to persuade the Bank of Paris to allow us to redeem the Zhengtai Railway. We are willing to pay a 20% premium to take back the construction rights of this railway."

Pasteur twirled his tennis racket in his hand, then replied casually, "Mr. Qin, France is a country that highly respects the law. Unlike your country, our people take contracts very seriously. Since we have already signed the commercial contract for Zhengtai Road, you cannot take it back until we breach the contract. I'm afraid I can't help you with this. If you have nothing else to say, let's end our conversation here today."

Qin Lishan did not dwell on Pasteur's reply. He said with an unchanged expression, "The Chinese people have always valued the friendship with the French people, so we have always hoped to receive a goodwill response from the French people for the friendship between China and France."

Upon hearing the translator's words, Pasteur merely pursed his lips, harboring no expectations for Sino-French friendship. If such a thing truly existed in Wuhan, then the forced repossession of the French concession in Hankou should not have been tolerated; this incident had already eroded France's goodwill towards Wuhan. However, just as he was waiting for the other party to finish his polite words and leave, the other party raised his voice and spoke...

"To let the Minister know how much we have sacrificed to maintain Sino-French friendship, I feel it is necessary to tell you some news. A certain European country has suggested that we declare war on your country, and told us that this is the fastest way to end the war."

Therefore, I am here today to confirm whether France supports our continued efforts to maintain the friendship between China and France. If Your Excellency can give me an answer, then you can soon fulfill your promises to others.”

Pasteur finally stopped playing with his racket. He looked at the translator and forced him to translate Qin Lishan's words carefully again with his eyes. Then he turned to Qin Lishan and looked at him incredulously, saying, "Mr. Qin, do you know what you are saying? You have just issued a war threat to France."

Although his heart was indeed beating much faster than usual, Qin Lishan still tried his best to maintain a calm tone and replied, "Rather than issuing a threat of war to France, it is more like a friendly request to the current French government. Minister, do you need to consult Paris?"

"No, of course... I mean, what are you thinking? The Russians are almost at the gates of Beijing, and you're still thinking of declaring war on our country? I don't know which bastard came up with such a crazy suggestion, but are you planning to destroy your country?"

Seeing the veins bulging on Pasteur's forehead, Qin Lishan felt somewhat relieved. If Pasteur had truly taken his words as a joke, he wouldn't be so furious now. This showed that the threat was indeed effective against the French.

He then calmly looked at the French minister and said, “The Paris Commune doesn’t care that Napoleon III lost his crown, and neither do we. For us, the Russians’ march to Beijing is not the end of the war, but the beginning. It seems you cannot give me an answer today, so I will not disturb your appointment. You can inform me when you have made a decision. However, I cannot guarantee when the friendship between China and France will disappear.”

Qin Lishan nodded to the French minister once more before heading for the door, leaving the bewildered French minister standing there. Pasteur briefly considered calling him back, but quickly dismissed the idea, as he genuinely couldn't figure out how to respond. Watching Qin Lishan's figure disappear behind the fountain, he finally turned to his translator with a grim expression and asked, "Maurice, was France just threatened?"

Morris didn't know what to say either. He could only vaguely say, "Or perhaps he's just here to tip us off, albeit in an unacceptable way. But would the Germans really make such an unreasonable demand?"

After a moment of silence, Pasteur replied, "No, this is not unreasonable, it is shameless."

The French ambassador to China was well aware that France was in crisis. The Dreyfus affair had torn France apart between the left and right wings. Although Dreyfus was pardoned, the left believed that this wrongful conviction should be thoroughly overturned. Currently, the left was in power, while the right lost power because of the Dreyfus affair.

However, although the left won the election, it doesn't mean that the group supporting the right has disappeared, because this isn't a question of right or wrong, but rather a question of stance. Therefore, the left's rule is not so stable, especially since the separation of church and state law promoted by the left in December last year is further triggering conflicts among the French people. These conflicts have spread from big cities to the countryside. Wherever there are churches and primary schools, conflicts arise between priests and primary school teachers, the latter of whom are almost all leftists and anti-clergy members.

Now, the Roman Catholic Church has also joined the internal conflict in France. Under these circumstances, if China, under German instigation, were to declare war on France, who knows what would happen? Although the Chinese haven't said it, no French diplomat stationed in China wouldn't be unaware that this was undoubtedly the Germans' idea.

Chapter 362 Russian Military Movements

After capturing Dushikou, the Russian army began its advance towards Zhangjiakou, but also sent reconnaissance troops southward. The Russians soon discovered that their advance towards Zhangjiakou was met with fierce resistance from the Chinese, but the resistance southward was not as intense. Therefore, after General Starkerberg moved his headquarters to Dushikou, he decided to launch a major offensive towards Chicheng County in the south.

On May 1, the Russian army successfully entered Chicheng County and learned from the locals about two routes to Beijing. One route followed the Baihe River, crossed the Jundu Mountains into Yanqing, and then turned south to reach Miyun, north of the Beijing Plain. The other route also followed the Baihe River but turned west in front of the Jundu Mountains into Huailai County, and then east through Juyongguan Pass to reach Changping, northwest of Beijing.

Although both routes lead to Beijing, going through Huailai is obviously more suitable for the main force. However, Starkelberg also knows that although the gates of Beijing have been opened to him, if the Chinese in Zhangjiakou are not eliminated, it is as if they have a bomb behind them. Considering the ability of these Chinese to eliminate the Misinko Detachment, this is obviously not a good idea.

Therefore, although Starklberg had shifted his main force to the central route, advancing towards Huailai, he did not abandon his offensive towards Zhangjiakou. He hoped to capture Zhangjiakou first, and then advance eastward towards Beijing without any worries. On May 11, the Russian central army finally broke through numerous obstacles and entered the flat Huailai area from the mountains. On May 12, the Chinese troops in the Huailai area retreated to the eastern Huailai county town and the area south of the Sanggan River.

After resting for three days in the Huailai Plain, the Russian army assembled two infantry regiments and launched a westward attack on Xuanhua City. However, they were intercepted by Chinese troops in the Jiming Mountain and Dongpan Mountain areas. The Yanghe River flows southwest of Jiming Mountain, and the main trade route runs between Jiming Mountain and Dongpan Mountain to the north. This defensive line was only six versts long, but because the Chinese occupied advantageous terrain, the Russian army was unable to advance an inch despite three days of continuous attacks.

At this time, the second batch of Russian reinforcements had arrived in the Chicheng area, and Starkelberg had more than 3 troops under his command. Apart from the Russian troops stationed in Chengde, the Russian troops south of Dushikou also exceeded 2.

The Russian army is currently divided into three routes: east, central, and west. The western route, led by Major General Aikhorets, consists of an infantry regiment, a cavalry regiment, and two artillery batteries (16 field guns), totaling over 4000 men. They are advancing towards Zhangjiakou along the Qingshui River valley, but progress has been slow, and they are currently stuck at a place called Gaojiaying, about ten versts from Zhangjiakou. The eastern route is a small force of over 1000 men, which is crossing the Jundu Mountains along the Baihe River, primarily to create panic among the Chinese and confuse their defensive capabilities.

Undoubtedly, the central army is currently making the most successful breakthrough. However, given the difficulty of advancing towards Zhangjiakou, Starkelberg is beginning to abandon the idea of ​​taking Zhangjiakou at all costs. Taking Zhangjiakou will not force the Chinese to surrender; only taking Beijing will. The more troops and time they waste on Zhangjiakou, the more time Beijing will have to deploy troops for defense.

Starkerberg did not want to lose this opportunity to capture Beijing and end the war. His supply lines were far too long, and if he expended too much strength on a secondary objective like Zhangjiakou, he would not have the strength to attack Beijing. Although his staff warned him that leaving Zhangjiakou unattended would pose a threat to their rear.

However, staff officers in the Russian army do not have much power. They merely formulate plans according to the ideas of their superiors, rather than having their superiors execute them. Therefore, when Starklberg ignored the warnings of his staff, no one could stop him from modifying the operational plan.

On May 17, Starkerberg issued the latest plan, ordering Major Ekhgorets to continue the advance. Ideally, he would capture Zhangjiakou, but if not, he should at least tie down the Chinese troops there, preventing them from attacking the Russian central forces to the east. He then ordered an infantry regiment to remain to monitor the Chinese garrison at Jiming Mountain, and mobilized three infantry regiments to attack Huailai County to the east, attempting to open a passage to Beijing.

After holding out for three days, on May 20, the Chinese garrison in Huailai County withdrew to Yanqing County in the northeast. Starklberg then moved his headquarters to Chicheng County and concentrated his forces in the central route, attempting to break through Juyong Pass and enter the plains of Beijing in one fell swoop. At this time, a small Russian force on the eastern route also broke through the Jundu Mountain line and appeared in Miyun, causing shock in the capital.

At this time, Beijing was unaware that the Russian army's rapid breakthrough of the Huailai line was intentional on Zhangjiakou's part. They only felt that the presence of Russian troops around Beijing meant that the siege of the city was not far off. Some high-ranking officials had already sent their wives and children to Tianjin. There was no safer place than Tianjin now, as it was under the protection of foreigners, close to Beijing, and would be quick to return to Beijing once the situation improved.

The flight of these high-ranking officials naturally caused unrest in the city, leading to a surge in prices in Beijing. Some residents even fled the city to the countryside to escape the war. Although the Russian army had not yet arrived, Beijing already resembled a scene from the apocalypse. The foreign ministers, seeing this, felt relieved. This was the China they knew; the previous victories at Shanhaiguan and Yanbei had made them feel as if they no longer recognized the country.

Taking advantage of the situation, the Russian minister issued another ultimatum to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stating that if China were willing to surrender now, Beijing could be spared another fall. However, neither the Beiyang government nor the Wuhan government had any intention of surrendering, so how could the imperial court dare to surrender on its own? Even in the parliament currently in session, no one advocated surrender; almost everyone said, "It would be better to move the capital and fight again."

However, Empress Dowager Cixi knew very well that if she ran away from Beijing again this time, she would never be able to return to the center of power. She was able to return to Beijing before because the governors-general of the southeast were unable to maintain national unity and they needed a central government to promote the new policies. Li Hongzhang was also able to suppress the local governors-general on his own, which created a situation that was conducive to her return to Beijing.

Now, with a new legal basis for the convening of the National Assembly, it was no longer necessary for this old woman to represent the Qing imperial family. The emergence of Wuhan also fueled the nationalist sentiments of the Han people. At this time, the so-called Aisin Gioro legal system no longer held much appeal for the Han people. Nationalism, laborism, and other nationalist ideas were constantly eroding the feudal ethical and moral thought that had prevailed in China for thousands of years.

If she were to take the emperor away from Beijing now, there was a real possibility that someone might try to abduct and kill him. Cixi had no choice but to summon the Manchu imperial family and order them not to send their families away from the capital in order to undermine the morale of the army and the people. She also planned to send the First Division of the Beiyang Army to Miyun and Changping to supervise the battle and strengthen the defense.

Yikuang supported Empress Dowager Cixi, believing that with the Russian army now near Beijing, the Beiyang First Division, being the foundation of the Manchu forces, had to be mobilized. However, Shanqi, Zaifeng, Puwei, and others strongly opposed this, arguing that since the Beiyang First Division was the foundation of the Manchu forces, it was even more crucial not to touch it now. If this army were destroyed, who would protect the Empress Dowager?

Seeing this, Yikuang stopped talking. In his opinion, the proposals of these Manchu nobles were simply absurd. They talked about the great achievements of their ancestors all day long, but tried to drive the Han people to die for the Manchu Qing Dynasty. Did they not know that the great achievements of their ancestors were made by killing Han people? This constant provocation of Han ethnic hatred, while they themselves could not go to the battlefield, was simply leading the Manchus astray.

Empress Dowager Cixi grew impatient and asked the Manchu nobles who would defend Beijing when the Russians reached the outskirts if they didn't send troops now. Puwei, in his self-righteousness, replied, "We can send the Beiyang Army from Baoding north to fight the Russians."

This enraged Empress Dowager Cixi, who exclaimed, "By transferring the Beiyang Army from Baoding, are you planning to send those traitors from Wuhan to Beijing? The Russians only want us to cede territory and pay reparations, but those traitors in Wuhan are trying to take the lives of us Manchus! They are scoundrels, truly a bunch of scoundrels..."

Under Empress Dowager Cixi's furious outburst, these Manchu nobles finally relented. However, they insisted that members of the imperial clan should be sent to supervise the army, and that Han officers should not be allowed to sacrifice the lives of the Manchus in vain. Although the Beiyang First Division was mainly composed of Manchus, its officers were all graduates of the Tianjin Military Academy. In other words, the officers of this army were almost all Han Chinese, and the Manchus were merely soldiers. Without these Han officers, the army could not be organized.

Empress Dowager Cixi tacitly approved of this, after all, the current situation was really bad. This badness did not refer to the situation on the battlefield. Even now, the Russian army on the eastern route had not been able to get close to the Shanhaiguan line. Although the Russian army on the western route had approached Beijing, there was no news of a major defeat for the Yi Army. This meant that the situation on the front line was not as bad as the capital imagined.

However, this war stirred up nationalist sentiments among the Han Chinese. As news of Han victories continued to pour in from the battlefield, their dissatisfaction and disdain for the Manchus grew increasingly intense. The Manchus had invaded the Central Plains by force, yet now they had to rely on the Han Chinese to defend their homeland; thus, the so-called supremacy of the Manchus was a joke.

Therefore, sending members of the imperial clan to supervise the army and prevent major losses for the Manchu bannermen like the First Division of the Beiyang Army was, in Cixi's view, a matter of course. After all, the imperial clan were her own family, and they should do their utmost to protect her family's property. These members of the imperial clan constantly talked about restoring their ancestors' great achievements, and Cixi thought that surely at least one or two members of the imperial clan could be of use; it was impossible for none of them to be of any use.

However, it was clear that Empress Dowager Cixi had overestimated the audacity of these Manchu nobles. On May 21, the Beiyang First Division stationed in Beiyuan dispatched two battalions, one to Changping and the other to Miyun. The troops going to Changping fared relatively well, doing almost nothing out of line, but the troops going to Miyun, after three days of travel, suffered a massive rout that very night.

The events were not complicated. A small Russian army unit did appear in Miyun. Before the reinforcements arrived, the people of Miyun were already in a state of panic. When the reinforcements arrived, the number of Russian troops had increased from several hundred to several thousand, and it seemed that the main force of the Russian army was right behind them. This naturally caused panic among the Manchu bannermen in the army. Although they were selected Manchu bannermen, it did not mean that they were more courageous than those who were not selected.

Many Manchu bannermen were simply trained by officers to march in formation and fire a gun; sending them to the battlefield was a joke. Of course, under the military training of the New Army, these bannermen still possessed a certain degree of collective consciousness, knowing that they must advance and retreat together on the battlefield. Therefore, as long as the officers didn't run away, they could hold out for a while.

However, the imperial clan members supervising the army had no military training and knew nothing about military law. Upon learning that the Russian army outnumbered their own, they refused to advance. That night, a Russian cavalry unit raided the vicinity of Miyun County for reconnaissance and clashed with a patrol of the Beiyang First Division. This clash led the Manchu imperial clan members in the army to believe that they were surrounded by the Russian army, so they took the lead in fleeing, thus triggering the escape of the entire regiment.

Chapter 363 Exposure

When news of the defeat at Miyun spread, not only were the officials and civilians in Beijing terrified, but even Yuan Shikai became nervous, because he did not know how many Russian troops had crossed the Jundu Mountains to defeat a single new army so easily.

Wang Shizhen personally led troops to Miyun, and Yuan Shikai also transferred troops from Gubeikou to try to intercept the Russian army in the mountainous area north of Miyun. In fact, he was already starting to have doubts and was thinking about whether to retreat from Shanhaiguan. Once the Russian army reached the gates of Beijing, what would be the point of them defending here?

However, Wang Shizhen soon sent him a definite message: the Russian troops in Miyun would not exceed one battalion at most, and after they mobilized a large number of troops to go there, the Russian troops quickly withdrew.

Now the last fig leaf of the Qing Dynasty has fallen. Yuan Shikai originally thought that no matter how bad the Manchus were, they could still be improved after being reorganized into a new army. This was the experience he gained from reorganizing the Huai Army. In the First Sino-Japanese War, the Huai Army was also ineffective, but after training at Xiaozhan, the fighting power of the Beiyang New Army was no longer comparable to that of the old Huai Army.

Therefore, after the Eight Banners, which were previously incapable of fighting, were transformed into the New Army, they should at least be a Westernized army capable of fighting on the battlefield. This is also why Yuan Shikai was wary of the Manchus. After all, the Manchus still had such a modern army at their disposal. Although it might not be as capable as his own Beiyang Army, they had the authority of the imperial court on their side. If a real battle broke out, how could Yuan Shikai dare to fire his guns at this Manchu army?

But now, this Manchu military force that had seized the designation of the First Division of the Beiyang Army was so pathetic that even Yuan Shikai was somewhat confused. At this moment, Tian Wenlie hurriedly entered his signing room with a newspaper in his hand, bowed to him, and said with a solemn expression, "Your Excellency, please take a look at this article."

Yuan Shikai then took the newspaper and glanced at it. It turned out to be the National Daily, compiled by the Workers' Party. The front page of the newspaper featured an editorial discussing why the Manchus collapsed so easily. He read it carefully and couldn't help but say, "This person's analysis is quite good."

We all know that being a soldier means risking your life for food, but it's different for the Manchus. Even if they weren't soldiers, they still had stable incomes. They joined the army because the court required them to, so they wouldn't risk their lives for a few taels of silver, because if they lost their lives, they wouldn't be able to enjoy the provisions provided by the Han people.

In the history of the Manchus, China was a territory they had seized. Therefore, it was clearly not worthwhile to fight the Russians for this stolen land. China was so vast that even if some parts were ceded to the Russians, the remaining land would still be enough for the Manchus to enjoy a life of ease and comfort. The Manchus would only fight to the death in one situation: when their guaranteed stipends were revoked and they were required to give up their current life of exploiting the Han people.

"Well said! Those Manchus are just like that, only good at bullying their own kind. Who wrote this…Chen Tianhua?"

Tian Wenlie then spoke up, saying, "Lord Gongbao, Wuhan is inciting conflict between the Manchus and the Han. I think they are deliberately condoning the Russian army's attack on Beijing, so that they can use one enemy to devour another. If they stay away from the battlefield and let the Russian army take Beijing, won't they be in control of the country? We are now in a dilemma."

Yuan Shikai fell silent. This situation wasn't entirely impossible. If he were in Wuhan's shoes, he would definitely try it if given the opportunity. With the help of the Russian army, they could eliminate the imperial court and the Beiyang government. Then, Wuhan would become the only pillar to save the day. Who in the world could compete with Wuhan, which had both righteousness and strength?

After a moment's thought, he said, "It seems that the troops in Baoding should be transferred to Changping first. Right now, blocking the Russians is the most important thing. We can't let the Russians swagger into the outskirts of Beijing. Also, we need to send a telegram to Wuhan to ask them how they set up their defenses and how they allowed the Russian army to occupy Huailai so easily."

Yuan Shikai knew that a single telegram wouldn't be enough to persuade Wuhan to risk everything to block the Russians, so he instructed Ruan Zhongshu to contact Liang Qichao, a prominent figure in the cultural world, and ask him to question Wuhan's actions. Besides pressuring Wuhan through public opinion, he had no other way to interfere with their actions.

Liang Qichao was indeed a prominent figure in the public sphere. Within three days, he published three powerful articles questioning the actions of the Wuhan army in Zhangjiakou, suggesting that Wuhan might be preserving its strength. This immediately caused an uproar among the Chinese people. After all, the previous actions of the Wuhan army in Shanxi were not well understood, as Yuan Shikai did not want Wuhan to gain more prestige from this, and therefore kept the Wuhan army's actions quiet.