Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 159

While the moderates advocated against direct conflict with China, they did not recognize the Chinese Eastern Railway, Kwantung Leased Territory, Primorsky Krai, and Amur Province as Chinese property and territory. They considered them Russian property and territory, spoils of war that Japan should rightfully claim. However, the moderates acknowledged Japan's limited national strength and believed that Japan could not sustain a continuous war, even against a weakened China.

The army's assessment of contemporary China remained weak, but its evaluation of the Beiyang Army and the Wuhan Army was much higher than before the war. Army generals believed that if China and Japan fought separately, Japan could still achieve final victory, but Japan would also need to mobilize the entire nation's strength; this victory could not be accomplished by its pre-war standing army.

The conciliatory faction argues that Japan's national strength has been nearly exhausted by this war, and it clearly cannot afford to continue a major war of the same scale. If foreign countries intervene in the war between Japan and China, not only will Japan fail to win against China, but it will also have to give up the fruits of victory in this war. Therefore, the priority should be to preserve the fruits of victory in this war, digest these gains, and then seek the next war.

The radical faction argues that the Japanese paid a higher price than the Chinese to drive out the Russians entrenched in Korea and Manchuria, therefore they are entitled to demand benefits from Manchuria. Furthermore, they question whether Japan will truly have the opportunity to re-enter Manchuria if it withdraws now. The radicals are skeptical of this view.

Simply put, the radicals' eagerness was based on their fear of the awakening of the Chinese people. The hatred shown by the Chinese in Manchuria towards the Russian and Japanese armies and their fighting prowess during the war gave the radicals a premonition that once the Chinese government regained control of Manchuria, it would be much more difficult for them to invade so easily again.

The bickering between the radicals and the moderates was even getting to Oyama Iwao struggling. When news of the Ito cabinet's post-war military downsizing plan reached Manchuria, it further enraged the radicals. Therefore, Kodama actually supported Katsura Taro's criticism of the Ito cabinet and was happy to see it collapse. He didn't take Yamagata's telegram to heart; instead, he thought Katsura Taro's cabinet formation was a good thing, as it would prevent the navy from obstructing the army's reinforcement plan.

However, Kodama was clearly celebrating too soon. Although Katsura Taro couldn't withstand the pressure and accepted the order to form a cabinet, he quickly discovered that he had virtually nothing to do in diplomacy. Four days after he announced his cabinet formation, a general political strike broke out in Moscow, which quickly escalated into an armed uprising. Although the uprising was ultimately suppressed by the Tsarist government, Britain and France could no longer allow the Far East to remain at war. They warned Katsura Taro's cabinet that Japanese government bonds were too risky and that if East Asian peace could not be achieved soon, they could plummet in international markets.

On December 9, Wuhan, Beiyang and other major forces in China reached an agreement to decide on various political affairs by the Provisional National Assembly and the State Council before the National Assembly convenes in March of the following year. After that, the National Assembly will discuss the formation of a republican system, establish a new central government and parliament, and then transfer power.

On the issue of peace in East Asia, the interim parliament passed a new peace proposal, which was an upgrade of the agreement reached between Wuhan and the Republic of Chita.

The agreement proposed that the Russian Empire must bear responsibility for its crimes of invading Chinese territory and compensate Chinese civilians for their losses. Given Russia's invasion of China, the basis of the Sino-Russian agreement on the lease of the Chinese Eastern Railway and the Kwantung Leased Territory no longer existed. Therefore, China decided to reclaim the railway and the Kwantung Leased Territory and confiscate all illegal gains obtained by Russian officials and civilians through unequal agreements. However, it recognized that the legitimate investments of Russian civilians in China were protected. Nevertheless, the Chinese government had the right to redeem lands and other assets that were detrimental to China's national interests at market price.

The Russian Empire's investments in the Manchurian railways and ports would be converted into cash and used to compensate civilians who suffered losses due to the war; any shortfall would be covered by the Russian government.

The area south of the Chinese Eastern Railway in Primorsky Krai, including the area from Vladivostok Port to the Tumen River, will be returned to China. The area north of the railway, south of the Heilongjiang River, east of the Ussuri River, Sakhalin Island, the coast of the Sea of ​​Okhotsk, and the Kamchatka Peninsula will be subject to a joint Sino-Japanese-Russian administration committee. Twenty years later, the residents of these areas will hold a referendum to determine their ownership.

The former Russian Amur Province, north of Heilongjiang and south of the Outer Khingan Mountains, will be returned to China, except for places like the Sixty-Four Villages East of the River and Hailanpao. Other areas will be subject to a joint Sino-Russian administration committee, with a referendum to determine their ownership after 15 years.

To ensure the continuation of peace in East Asia, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and the Republic of Chita should establish a consultative body to resolve their disputes. The issue between the Russian Empire and the Republic of Chita is an internal affair of Russia, and other countries should not interfere. However, China advocates that both sides should resolve their differences peacefully through consultation in order to avoid war affecting the peace and tranquility of the people living on neighboring Chinese borders.

According to diplomats dealing with China and peace negotiators such as Yasuya Uchida and Gonsuke Hayashi, the Chinese seemed to regard themselves as the sole victors of the war and were beginning to establish a new order in East Asia after the war. Japan's interests were not protected in this peace proposal. Of course, in the peace negotiations between Jutaro Komura of the United States and the Russian representative, there was no concern about whether China's interests were protected.

However, what's disadvantageous for Japan is that both Germany and the United States have expressed support for the peace proposal put forward by China. This is because China has also launched a large-scale infrastructure development plan for the Far East and extended invitations to capital from various countries. While British and French capital is not particularly interested, German and American capital is very interested because the Far East is currently almost undeveloped. If investment and construction could be made, it would greatly improve the industrial export problems of both countries. This is especially important for the United States, which now needs a new market to absorb its ever-growing industrial capacity.

While British and French capital showed less interest in the Far East than German and American capital, British and French diplomats were keen to turn the Far East into an internationally managed zone. This would both curb Russia's expansion into the Pacific and maintain the balance of power in East Asia. Consequently, the Katsura Taro cabinet quickly came under pressure from the great powers. After Japanese government bonds fell for five consecutive days on the British and French markets, Katsura Taro finally accepted the advice of Komura Jutaro in a telegram from the United States and decided not to dwell on the issue of reparations, thus avoiding an international situation in which Japan would be isolated by the great powers and China and Russia.

On December 21, Japan proposed a new peace plan. In addition to abandoning its demand for huge reparations from Russia, it also made significant concessions on the South Manchurian Railway, the Kwantung Leased Territory, and the Primorsky Krai. However, it insisted on incorporating Sakhalin Island and Vladivostok into Japanese territory, canceling South Korea's right to sign the peace agreement, and having Japan act as its agent in diplomacy.

On December 22, Kodama was greatly excited upon receiving a telegram from Tokyo, expressing his intention to immediately travel to Tokyo to stop Katsura Taro from conceding on Manchurian rights. However, exhaustion combined with his excitement caused Kodama to suffer a cerebral hemorrhage and collapse, passing away at 12 PM that evening. Kodama's death left the radical faction in the army leaderless, and the moderates, including Terauchi, took control of the situation within the army and sent a telegram to Katsura Taro expressing their support. However, Terauchi and his group demanded the immediate annexation of Korea in exchange for this support.

Chapter 559

At the Ito Hirobumi residence in Isako, Tokyo, Suematsu Kensuke was reporting his investigation report to his father-in-law in his study. "...Although on the surface these reporters and newspapers seem to have no problems, and there is no trace of anyone contacting them, I feel there are a few suspicious points."

First of all, some of the reporters who praised Katsura Taro were not close to the army before. Although they all said they did not know each other, their reports on Katsura Taro were entirely out of weakness for Prime Minister Ito.

However, I found their answers to be remarkably similar, as if they were all cut from the same mold. Furthermore, these journalists had all recently made a small fortune—whether through winning the lottery, gambling, or receiving unexpected inheritances—but I discovered that the money in their accounts actually came from First Bank, which was rather strange.

Of course, if someone else were to investigate, they probably wouldn't find anything. However, the First Bank is only willing to provide this level of information and refuses to reveal the true owner of the money. If you want to investigate further, I'm afraid you'll have to ask Viscount Shibusawa yourself, Father-in-law.”

Leaning back in a large chair, Ito looked at her son-in-law with interest and asked, "Do you think Viscount Shibusawa is involved in this matter?"

After thinking for a while, Suematsu Kensuke shook his head and said, "Viscount Shibusawa is a man who is devoted to developing his career. After resigning from the Ministry of Finance, he has stayed away from politics for fear of being involved in political struggles. I think he will definitely not get involved in this matter. However, he was able to accept Ito's invitation to serve as Finance Minister, so he must have a good relationship with the Navy. Why didn't he tell the Navy? I don't understand."

Although Suematsu said he didn't understand, Ito still understood what his son-in-law hadn't said: Viscount Shibusawa might still be in trouble. Under the lure of power, anything is possible.

Ito shook his head slightly and said, "Shibusawa is not someone who will be blinded by power. Even if he wants power, it's only to realize his own dreams. If he were to die for power, he wouldn't be alive today. However, what you said is also true. Anything can happen in this world, so why not go and see for yourself? The weather is nice today. Prepare the car for me. I'm going to Asukayama to be an uninvited guest."

On the way to Asuka Mountain, Ito already had a vague idea of ​​the whole thing, but he hadn't found out who was behind it. In his memory, none of the key figures in the Navy had such political acumen, and who else could mobilize the Navy's resources to create such a scheme?

Of course, what surprised him most was that his old friend Shibusawa Eiichi had actually been persuaded to play a role in this political event. He admired Shibusawa's talent, but did not want him to use it for politics, because Shibusawa's relationship with the Tokugawa family was far too close. Although Tokyo was no longer the Tokugawa family's Edo, and even Emperor Meiji had reconciled with the aging Tokugawa Yoshinobu, for these old men who had lived through the anti-shogunate era, their vigilance towards the Tokugawa family was impossible to let go.

Therefore, although Ito and Shibusawa got along quite well in private, and the First Bank was also his and Inoue's purse strings, he had never let his guard down regarding Shibusawa. He was very curious to know how the Navy had managed to touch his purse strings.

Eiichi Shibusawa's mansion in Asukayama is located in the western plains of Asukayama, a place with beautiful rural scenery, blooming flowers in the morning and a bright moon at night. It was once the love nest of Shibusawa and his first wife, but after his wife passed away, Shibusawa moved away from here.

After being abandoned for thirteen years, Shibusawa had the Asukayama Mansion renovated and moved back to Asukayama in Meiji 34. However, the renovated Asukayama Mansion was completely different from what it used to be, becoming a luxurious manor combining Western architecture and Japanese gardens, many times larger than the old manor.

Ito had been here many times, so after getting off the carriage, he didn't need anyone to announce his arrival. After finding out that Shibusawa was having tea with a visitor in the Japanese-style room, he walked straight towards it.

Ito initially thought that the person visiting Shibusawa was from the business world, but when he got near the Japanese-style room and heard the conversation coming from inside, he felt something was amiss. So he stopped Suematsu Kensuke and Shibusawa's butler from coming forward and quietly stood outside the door to listen to the conversation inside.

Inside the room, Lin Xinyi sat cross-legged on the tatami mat, talking eloquently to Shibusawa Eiichi, “...Old Eiichi believes that industry and commerce are very important to the country, and I agree with that. However, I think that with the development of the times, this view is outdated.”

With the development of science and technology and the rapid improvement of transportation and communication, the nation-state has become increasingly difficult to accommodate modern industry and commerce based on electricity and internal combustion engines. Perhaps countries with vast territories and large populations can still complete the internal circulation of industry and agriculture within a single country, but countries like Japan, with their narrow land area and dense population, cannot rely solely on domestic industry, agriculture, and trade to achieve self-sufficiency in meeting the needs of their people.

Even the United States, known for its vast land area and population more than twice that of my country, has found its domestic market unable to absorb the advanced industrial capacity it has developed, which is why the current economic crisis has broken out.

On the surface, the current financial crisis in the United States is due to the disorder in the financial market, which led banks and insurance companies to use customers' money to buy a large number of stocks and bonds that exceeded their actual value. However, its essence is that investors in the United States and outside the United States are not optimistic about the future of the US economy. Therefore, they believe that the market is at its peak and that selling now is at a premium. In the future, when the US economy declines, these stocks and bonds will not be able to support their current market value.

So why do people think the US economy is bound to decline in the future? Because almost all the land in the US that can be developed has been developed, and almost all of the US's precious metal mineral resources have been explored. The current market price of US stocks and bonds is the market price of the wealth that the US has already explored. Before new wealth growth points emerge, these stocks and bonds cannot continue to appreciate.

A country as large as the United States exhausted its natural resources in less than a century. How many untapped natural resources does a small country like Japan still have? Therefore, an attempt to build an internally-based industrial and commercial cycle on a national foundation is not suitable for Japan. Similarly, an industrial development model that uses natural resources as the engine of industry and commerce is also unsuitable for Japan.

We need to build a regional economic and trade system that can accommodate more regions and more people, break down the barriers between countries, and establish a regional industrial, agricultural and trade cycle based on different land natural conditions and complementary natural resources.

As for Japan, we don't have vast land or abundant natural resources, so our most valuable resource is our people—the diverse talents capable of driving the establishment of regional trade economies. We need outstanding businessmen, bankers, scholars, engineers, and skilled technical workers, not to turn all Japanese people into soldiers…”

"Well said." As a figure appeared at the door, the two people talking inside couldn't help but look over. Shibusawa quickly stood up to greet him and said, "What brings you here today, Lord Ito? Let me introduce you. This is... Mr. Hayashi from Nagano Prefecture."

Shibusawa glanced at Hayashi Shin'ichi and then introduced him to Ito in this way. However, Ito was not fooled by his words. Instead, he looked at the young man who stood up gracefully with a smile and said, "Hayashi Shin'ichi from Nagano, right? When did you return to Japan? I haven't heard Ogawa mention you."

Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "I haven't been back for long. I asked Uncle Xiaochuan to send some Chinese medicinal herbs to you, Lord Marquis. I heard that you are busy with state affairs, so I was thinking of visiting you with my uncle during the New Year."

Ito looked at him with a half-smile and said, "If you had come to see me earlier, I don't think I would be so busy. Don't bother Ogawa anymore. If you want to see me in the future, just come to my door. I'm very interested in hearing your insights like today's."

Shibusawa stood aside watching the two talk intimately. If someone didn't know better, they would think it was a very close conversation between an elder and a junior. However, he understood that the two hadn't actually met before today, but Ito and Hayashi Shin'ichi should have been in contact through letters via Ogawa.

Although this relationship seemed rather strange, Shibusawa quickly became indifferent to it, just as when Hayashi Nobuyoshi was able to persuade him on behalf of the Navy. Although there was a request from the old shogunate faction, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's idea of ​​separating the institution that supervises banks from the Ministry of Finance also prompted him to come out of retirement.

Since Lin Xinyi could convince himself with his financial insights, it wouldn't be difficult for him to attract Ito's attention. Ito spared no effort in promoting young talent; anyone with ability could gain his favor. For example, right now, Ito was very interested in Lin Xinyi's concept of Asian economic integration, bombarding him with questions, almost as if he were taking over the reins.

Although he unexpectedly bumped into Ito Hirobumi at Asukayama, Lin Xinyi was not uneasy that Ito had overheard his explanation of the concept of Asian economic integration to Viscount Shibusawa. As long as one is not a soldier, one will not be too resistant to the concept of Asian economic integration. Even if one is a soldier, it is not that one is against integration, but rather that one is against integration that is not controlled by the military.

Itō's interest in the concept of Asian economic integration stemmed from his prior knowledge that the army planned to annex the Korean Peninsula. The sudden death of Kodama Gentaro was also a significant loss for Itō. Although he did not agree with Kodama's radical ideas regarding Manchuria, Kodama's faction was a powerful ally within the army, and Iō's influence over the army greatly diminished after Kodama's passing.

Although Ito knew that His Majesty still supported him, this support was based on preventing the army from gaining control, not on unconditionally supporting his suppression of the military. The army was now bearing such a heavy burden of blame; if it didn't make concessions on the Korean issue, it would allow its resentment to accumulate domestically, which was clearly not the way to stabilize the political situation.

Although he was prepared to make concessions to the army on the Korean issue, Ito understood better than the army that annexing Korea at this time would do more harm than good. This would not only destroy the righteous mask that Japan had put on in its war against Russia, but would also make neighboring countries regard Japan as a threat.

Before this war, Japan's international image was that of a good student who admired Western civilization, which was key to Japan's ability to gain international sympathy in the Sino-Japanese War and the Sino-Russian War.

Once Japan breaks the international order and annexes a sovereign state, its image as a good student will be shattered. Some Japanese people believe that such annexation is also a form of Western civilization, but they do not know that this is a privilege of white civilization. In the eyes of white people, people of color do not have real countries and nations, that is, they are backward forms that are not protected by civilization. When white people invade countries of people of color, they are instilling advanced civilization into these backward regions, which is not called aggression.

Is Japan truly now regarded as a civilized and enlightened country by white people? When Japan annexed Korea, did white people acknowledge that Japan had reached the same level of civilization as white nations? Or, in other words, could Japan be accepted as one of their own by white people, and would they recognize that Japan's annexation of Korea was in accordance with the international order?

How could a Japan, hostile to its neighbors and isolated by white people, survive in the world? This is why Ito is so interested in the concept of Asian economic integration. If he could persuade the army to slow down its annexation of Korea, it would be beneficial to ease the conflict between Japan and the international community.

Hirobumi Ito wasn't concerned with how to establish an integrated Asian economy; he was simply interested in the benefits that an integrated Asian economy could bring to Japan, a point quite different from Shibusawa's. However, this made things much simpler for Nobuyoshi Hayashi, since economic integration requires specific analysis of specific issues. This was also why he hadn't immediately discussed this with Shibusawa upon his return—he himself wasn't prepared.

However, regarding the political and international relations changes brought about by economic integration, he only needed to rewrite some examples from later generations to deal with Ito's questions. After all, Ito couldn't see that far ahead and could only think based on his descriptions, which would most likely not lead to any other strange conclusions.

While Shibusawa Eiichi could still chime in on Ito and Hayashi's conversation, Suematsu Kensuke, sitting next to Ito, found himself barely understanding what they were discussing. The two, however, seemed to be having a very engaging conversation. When Ito asked a question, the young man would answer it readily, even explaining parts that Ito hadn't asked about. And when the young man used new terms, Ito seemed to know them by heart, without ever asking what they meant.

Suematsu Kensuke could only sit silently to the side, drinking tea, as if he had returned to his youth when he served as Itō's secretary. After talking for more than an hour, Itō finally stopped talking with satisfaction and began to chat with his master, Viscount Shibusawa, about some interesting things. Hayashi Shinji was also able to exchange a few greetings with Suematsu Kensuke, and only then did he realize that this man was the author of the strange article that the great conqueror Genghis Khan and the Japanese hero Minamoto no Yoshitsune were the same person.

From a certain perspective, it was this man who distorted the normal development of Japanese history, inviting a Polish historian to Japan to complete the Meiji history compilation based on the theory of historical causality. Japan's special feature is that it is a country with an unbroken imperial lineage, and this divine view of history comes from the conclusion of the theory of historical causality.

After exchanging a few words with him, Lin Xinyi lost interest in continuing the conversation. Suematsu's scholarship was actually quite good; he could readily discuss both Chinese studies and Western legal systems. However, these were not the kinds of studies that Lin Xinyi preferred. He opposed both the veneration of Confucianism and the view of Western law as the core of Western civilization.

Seeing that it was getting late, Shibusawa got up to prepare a banquet for his guests. Every time Ito came to his place, they would have a meal together, and he also liked to have geishas accompany them. After Shibusawa left, Ito, leaning against a brocade cushion, lay casually on the tatami mat and asked Lin Xinyi, "What you just said about Asian integration sounds very good, but can countries really be completely open with each other? If people don't trust each other, I'm afraid it will be difficult to achieve, right?"

Lin Xinyi remained seated cross-legged, holding his teacup in both hands. After a moment of contemplation, he replied, "Trust between nations depends on shared interests. Without shared interests, mutual trust cannot be achieved. In addition, comparable strength is also required. Tigers and sheep can never cooperate."

Upon hearing this, Ito raised his eyebrows and said, "According to your logic, North Korea is not qualified to have a place in Asian integration. Why do you still intend to retain North Korea's position?"

Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "Because international relations are not unilateral, but multilateral. Between Japan and North Korea, Japan is naturally stronger and North Korea is weaker, so North Korea indeed has no right to bargain with Japan. However, if we place Japan in Asia and in the global chessboard, Japan is not actually the strongest."

If powerful nations treat Japan the way Japan treats North Korea, will Japan gain the sympathy of other countries? The premise of Asian economic integration is that, although large and small countries are not equal in strength, they should all have a fair chance to speak. Only in this way can the majority of countries unite to restrain the minority countries, even if these minority countries are large and powerful nations.

In the past, Duke Huan of Qi "united the feudal lords nine times and brought order to the world." Did this mean that the power of Qi was able to suppress all the feudal lords and independently fight against the barbarians? I think not. Rather, it was because Qi always treated all the states, large and small, fairly and consistently, which is why Qi was able to gain the support of the feudal lords and become the hegemon of the Spring and Autumn Period.

When the State of Qi abandoned this diplomatic principle, the other states regarded Qi as worthless, and when Qi was invaded, none of them were willing to come to its aid. The same applies to Japan's diplomacy today. Before dealing with North Korea, Japan should consider whether other countries will treat it in the same way. This is why I believe North Korea should have a place in Asian integration. Japan must demonstrate sincerity in cooperation to gain the trust of other Asian countries…”

Chapter 560

Ito Hirobumi hadn't reacted strongly to Hayashi Shin's words, but Suematsu Kensuke, who was beside him, retorted to Hayashi Shin's words with a dismissive attitude: "The British Empire has occupied so many places in the world, and no country has dared to challenge the authority of the British Empire. It can be seen that the international order is based on the survival of the fittest, and there is no such thing as equal cooperation. Even if Japan treats Korea well, other countries may not think more highly of Japan because of it, and Korea may not become closer to Japan because of it. Wasn't the cause of the Sino-Japanese War the same as Korea's desire to break away from its suzerain and become independent?"

In fact, if Suematsu Kenji had met Hayashi Shin-yi on other occasions, he would have disdained to engage in verbal debates with such a young man. After all, the difference in their status was too great. As a bureaucrat who grew up during the Meiji Restoration, Suematsu was very mindful of such differences in seniority, which was precisely how they competed for the right to speak within the system.

The founders of the Meiji government, such as Itō, Yamagata, and Shibusawa, did not have a sacred and inviolable system in mind. In their view, any system that was out of step with the times could be abolished. After all, they had experienced the Meiji Restoration and knew that a rigid system could not win the support of the people. The more sacred and inviolable something seemed, the easier it was to be abandoned by the people once its halo was shattered.

Of course, in order to establish the legitimacy of the Meiji Restoration government, they had to add a sacred halo to this new government. The sanctity of the Emperor and the majesty of the Shogun were essentially the same, both representing unquestionable legitimacy of rule.

However, Ito and Yamagata, the founding fathers of the anti-shogunate movement, knew that this sanctity was for maintaining the government's rule, not for making the government submit to the Emperor. But for second-generation bureaucrats like Suematsu Kensuke, even if some of them knew this principle, they dared not change the system to uphold it, because their power came from the system, not from giving their power to the system like the founding fathers.

Therefore, bureaucrats who grow up within the system can only voice their opinions through their positions and seniority, and cannot attempt to overthrow the system with their own will. In Suematsu Kensuke's eyes, Hayashi Shin-yi was just an outstanding young man, but his attempt to shake the system was still intolerable to Suematsu. However, Ito was in charge at the time, and he could only use words to refute the young man's audacity.

Although the Japanese during the Meiji period were at the height of their individuality, Lin Xinyi was clearly going a step further, because he did not possess the soul of a Japanese person. Therefore, he did not flinch at all in the face of Suematsu Kensuke's rebuttal. Instead, he chuckled and said, "Baron Suematsu is said to have studied in England, so he should know that the British Empire and Britannia are not the same thing."

The British Empire was merely a monarchy established with the British monarch as its leader. Although Britannia controlled the politics and economy of the British Empire, the various colonial governments within the British Empire were not loyal to Britannia, even though the officials in these colonial governments were mainly from Britannia.

Therefore, the British Empire was indeed a result of the strong dominating the weak, but the resistance of the weak did not disappear as a result. From the independence of the thirteen North American colonies in the distant past to the Boer War and the Indian nationalist movement more recently, all these demonstrate that the rule of the British Empire was not very stable.

As for the claim that the British Empire had no external challengers, that's even more of a joke. Not to mention that Louis XVI helped the thirteen North American colonies gain independence, even the Napoleonic Empire fought against the British Empire for more than ten years. And now Germany is challenging Britain's maritime hegemony. Even Japan, in the foreseeable future, will inevitably clash with Britain over freedom of navigation in Asia.

Therefore, the British Empire was plagued by internal conflicts between its various colonies and Britannia, and was also challenged by emerging maritime powers. The British Empire’s current status did not come from its true strength, but was determined by its past history. What kind of history determined the British Empire’s current status?

Britannia was the first country to complete the Industrial Revolution led by the steam engine. This leap in productivity brought about by this technology allowed Britannia to surpass other countries of the same era by a generation, thus creating the glorious British Empire. However, now not only is the steam engine known worldwide, but new technologies such as electricity and the internal combustion engine are also rapidly spreading globally. This means that Britannia can no longer lead other countries in productivity, and that the material foundation of the British Empire is beginning to crumble.

Therefore, the collapse of the British Empire was only a matter of time. It would either be broken by external forces or by internal forces. In short, the British Empire, which was built on a powerful navy, would inevitably perish because of the decline of its navy.

Returning to the question of Japan and Korea, the difference in strength between them lies solely in the fact that Japan entered the industrial age earlier. Korea wasn't incapable of industrialization, but rather hampered by its corrupt system. If Japan were to annex Korea, it would inevitably have to reform Korea's political and economic systems, ultimately enabling Korea's resources to support Japan's industrialization. This, in turn, would pave the way for Korea's industrialization. Given that Korea was in the same industrial age as Japan, would it still admit to being weak?

Attempting to justify Japan's annexation of Korea by citing the law of the jungle would become the most powerful weapon for Korean nationalists against Japan, as a self-reliant Korea cannot submit to Japan. As for other countries, those weaker than Japan will not trust it, while those stronger will want to annex it—this is the harm of Japan's annexation of Korea.

Kensuke Suematsu still did not agree with Shinji Hayashi's theories. The law of the jungle in the international order had profoundly changed his worldview. Even though he acknowledged that the consequences Hayashi mentioned might occur, he believed it was simply because Japan was not strong enough. He thought that as long as Japan became stronger, these unfavorable factors could be eliminated. As for the British Empire possibly perishing like the Roman Empire because of these issues, Japan wanted to become the British Empire it was today. As for the future, it could wait until it was in that position before considering and resolving those issues.

Of course, he also had to admit that Lin Xinyi's knowledge was much broader than that of the average Japanese person. At least many people could not distinguish between the British Empire and Britannia. Only those who had actually studied in Britain could truly feel this difference. In fact, in the eyes of Londoners, even Scots could not be considered pure Britannians. Only the English and Welsh truly represented Britannia.

Therefore, many Japanese people try to make Japan the Britain of Asia, but they don't really understand whether they want Japan to become the Britannia of the world or the British Empire. Britannia was xenophobic, while the British Empire was inclusive. It is truly a miracle that such a contrast could create the brilliant Victorian era.

Many Japanese people neither understand Britannia nor the British Empire; they merely admire the prosperity and power of the Victorian era and dream of replicating such a golden age in Japan. Judging from their thinking, they are indeed less insightful than the young man in front of him.

However, Ito Hirobumi was clearly much more flexible than his son-in-law. He didn't mind listening to different ideas, which gave him more to consider when making decisions. This was the biggest difference between him and his son-in-law. Although Suematsu Kensuke had an impressive resume, even serving as the head of the Ministry of Home Affairs, he was still not one of the country's decision-makers; he was merely an executor. And what executors dislike most is any attempt to challenge policy.

Ito then asked Hayashi Shin-yi, "So, you oppose Japan's annexation of Korea? Then, how do you think we can get Korea to accept Japan's political guidance without resorting to annexation?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi replied, "As a Japanese, I cannot oppose Japan's national policy of annexing Korea. What I oppose is promoting this national policy with the idea of ​​Japan annexing Korea."

Suematsu Kensuke was confused. He asked in surprise, "If you're not trying to push for Japan's annexation of Korea with the idea of ​​Japan annexing Korea, what exactly are you trying to say?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at Ito, who was calmly watching him, and then said unhurriedly, "There have been many instances of barbarian invasions of the Central Plains dynasties in Chinese history, but only two of them were truly successful: the Yuan Dynasty established by the Mongols and the Qing Dynasty established by the Manchus."

Judging from these two successful examples, both ethnic minorities abandoned the idea of ​​assimilating the people of the Central Plains when they entered the Central Plains. Although they formally annexed the original Central Plains dynasties, the Yuan and Qing dynasties were clearly not non-Han regimes, but they were not purely Central Plains dynasties either.

Therefore, Japan's annexation of Korea, while changing the country's form, will not provoke fierce resistance from the Koreans. However, if Japan intends to turn the Koreans into Japanese, they will certainly not become Japanese; instead, they will strengthen their sense of national identity. Japan will then be constrained by the Korean issue, making it impossible for it to establish a new Asian order led by Japan.

If the great powers and neighboring countries wanted Japan to make any concessions, provoking Korean nationalism was the simplest way. Thus, Korea became Japan's Achilles' heel in future diplomacy. No matter how noble Japan's suggestions were, as soon as the Korean issue was raised, Japan was branded a hypocrite, and its diplomacy would reach a dead end.

Ito Hirobumi valued Lin Xinyi's international perspective quite a bit. Although the Navy had been secretive about Lin Xinyi's whereabouts in recent years, he still knew exactly where Lin Xinyi had gone and what he had done. From a certain perspective, Lin Xinyi's previous trips to China and India were, in effect, a testament to his international perspective. Ito had already sensed this international perspective from the series of articles Lin Xinyi had submitted.

Compared to Suematsu Kenzumi, Ito was actually better able to understand Hayashi Shin-yi's stance on the North Korean issue, because he had been paying attention to Hayashi Shin-yi's growth rather than just beginning to understand his position. Therefore, he was not as shocked as Suematsu, but he was still somewhat surprised because Hayashi Shin-yi's growth had exceeded his expectations.

While pondering this, Ito asked, "How can we prevent Koreans from feeling that Japan is trying to turn them into Japanese? We are simply spreading civilization to Korea, letting Koreans bask in the light of civilization, rather than Japan conquering Korea."

This is why Lin Xinyi didn't want to meet Ito Hirobumi too early. Although he knew that Ito had a penchant for mentoring young people, and that any truly talented young person could gain Ito's attention, this attention was based on the premise of using them.

The most troublesome thing is that Ito is a politician with self-awareness, unlike Saigo Tsugumichi, a military man without political ideals. Saigo only wanted to use him to strengthen the navy and had no intention of pruning the branches, while Ito tried to turn talented young people into the cornerstone of the Meiji era he built. He would not allow the talents of young people to undermine the Meiji era he created.

To outsiders, Ito Hirobumi might seem like an overly flexible politician, lacking the consistent political stance of figures like Saigo, Okubo, Kido, and Yamagata. However, Hayashi Nobuyoshi understood perfectly well that Ito Hirobumi's political philosophy was to uphold the Meiji Restoration government established by these anti-shogunate patriots. As long as the government's existence wasn't threatened, Ito was a very easy politician to communicate with. But once someone threatened the government, even a military leader like Yamagata wouldn't make Ito back down.

In contrast, while veterans like Inoue and Matsukata maintained consistent political views, they would temporarily abandon their principles and yield to the prevailing trend. Ito, known for his political flexibility, was firm on matters of principle, which is why he was able to become the government leader after Okubo and Kido.

Itō's question revealed that his concern was always for Japan's future, not Asia's, which meant that for Japan's future, he would ultimately choose to pursue the policy of annexing Korea. Lin Xinyi pondered this thought for a long time before speaking: "Since the British revolution with the steam engine, the past century of international political history has shown one thing: nations and peoples that do not enter the industrial age have no future."

The invention of electricity and the internal combustion engine demonstrates that the Industrial Revolution did not stagnate in the steam age; the world is still in the process of the Industrial Revolution. From the history of industrial development, industry is becoming increasingly complex and specialized.

In the past, a small blacksmith's shop could slowly forge a steam engine from wrought iron and carbon-coated steel, along with a skilled blacksmith. However, modern power generation equipment and internal combustion engines require not only modern steel and professional engineers, but also the meticulous calculations and designs of scientists, and the assistance of various large machines to complete the finished product. And to make them run, training for users is also necessary.