Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 161

Lin Xinyi understood what Ogawa Heikichi meant. If the government really started to promote the nationalization of private railways, it would be impossible to do anything else in the next ten years. This project involved too many interests of all parties and could not be stopped at all. Why not get involved?

Looking at his nephews and nieces across from him, Ogawa Heikichi couldn't help but feel a little nervous. In fact, he now found it difficult to regard Hayashi Shinichi as a junior. Even disregarding the other party's deep connections in the navy, even his own political ally, Hara Yoshimichi, trusted Hayashi Shinichi more than he did.

Although he and Hara Yoshimichi had established a small faction within the University of Tokyo's legal circle, they were still insignificant compared to the various forces involved in the nationalization of private railways. After discussing it privately, Ogawa and Hara believed that while getting involved in the project would certainly bring their faction good returns, without the support of a major power, they might become a shield used by various parties to deflect public criticism.

Ordinary citizens are unlikely to criticize the nationalization of private railways, as they probably don't understand the project and might only be dissatisfied with the increased tax revenue. However, the political and economic forces excluded from the nationalization project will certainly not accept not getting a share of this lucrative opportunity, and will undoubtedly incite the public to attack those in charge.

What Ogawa Heikichi wanted was a guarantee from Lin Xinyi, so that he wouldn't be thrown out as a scapegoat. Lin Xinyi pondered for a while before finally speaking: "I'm not actually against the project of nationalizing private railways, but I won't support the nationalization plan that those people are currently pushing."

Those people were incredibly greedy. They simply wanted to sell the unprofitable railway line to the state, but they also wanted to keep the land that had appreciated in value because of the railway line, and they wanted to preserve the gratitude of the local people, since they were the ones who brought the railway, which represented civilization, to the area.

If such a nationalization plan is passed, then the Kuomintang forces in various places will inevitably build railways on a large scale, regardless of whether they are suitable for local needs. In any case, they can sell the completed railways to the state, which means they make two profits in the process of building the railway lines: one during construction and one when they sell them.

Do these people really need our support? The forces behind them can even connect with the Imperial Household Agency. All they need is someone to step up and take responsibility. The Satsuma and Choshu clique governments didn't dare push this plan before because they didn't want to take responsibility.

Uncle Ogawa, are you perhaps planning to become this scapegoat? If so, you'll have no room for advancement in politics in the future.

After thinking for a moment, Ogawa Heikichi frankly said, "Actually, I didn't want to take the lead, but the economic backer of our group is the Koshu Zaibatsu. They just bought the bankrupt Tobu Railway and hope to sell part of the lines to the state through the nationalization of private railways so that they can invest in the construction of new lines. If they can't get a return, the Koshu Zaibatsu will probably withdraw their support for us."

Nagano was formerly part of Shinano Province, also known as Shinshu. Koshu is located south of Shinshu. Historically, the Takeda clan ruled Shinshu from Koshu. Because Shinshu was situated in a region where various forces intersected, no unified power emerged there during the Sengoku period. Instead, each region was ruled by a powerful clan. Even in the Edo period, it remained a collection of small domains, thus producing few outstanding individuals.

Industrialists in the Koshu region, leveraging their proximity to Tokyo, quickly built a conglomerate centered around the Tokyo Electric Light Company through mutual support. Political and economic talents from Nagano naturally aligned themselves with the Koshu conglomerates. If Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi hadn't become ministers in the Ito cabinet, they wouldn't have had any room to negotiate with the Koshu conglomerates; now, Ogawa could still consider it.

Lin Xinyi mentally reviewed the network of relationships within the Koshu Zaibatsu before speaking calmly, "It's Nezu Kaichiro's idea, isn't it? I've heard he's quite close to Inoue Genro and the Mitsui Zaibatsu, so it seems Inoue Genro and the Mitsui Zaibatsu are behind this. So, what does Senior Hara mean?"

After thinking for a moment, Ogawa Heikichi said, "Yakamichi believes we should politely decline. The benefits are great, but the risks are also great. Unless we can get the support of Elder Ito, we may not be able to get out unscathed."

Lin Xinyi chuckled and said, "You want Ito Genzo's support to go against Inoue Genzo and the Mitsui zaibatsu? How much of the benefits will Ito Genzo get?"

Ogawa Heikichi was immediately stumped by the question, as it was one he hadn't considered before, since he himself wasn't sure how much benefit he could gain. Just as he hesitated, Lin Xinyi continued, "If Elder Ito makes a move, he certainly can't be suppressed by Elder Inoue; it's a political issue. However, I don't think Elder Inoue will accept it, since Elder Ito is a latecomer and can't just take such a large slice of the pie for nothing."

Ogawa Heikichi felt a chill in his heart, but just as he was pondering, Lin Xinyi said, "Actually, why should we go to someone else's table to find seats? We can just set up our own table, and then we won't have to worry about what others think we want to eat."

Ogawa Heikichi looked at Lin Xinyi with a slightly puzzled expression and asked, "What do you want to do?"

Lin Xinyi replied confidently, "Although Nagano is a remote place, it is, after all, our hometown. If we cannot make Nagano Prefecture a prefecture with sufficient economic strength, then it cannot be a source of support for our group. Conversely, local economic development also requires the support of national policies, and this is something we can do right now."

Although Nagano now has a railway, it remains essentially an agricultural region. While the railway may boost Nagano's economy in the short term, in the long run, agriculture cannot sustain Nagano's future development. For example, Nagano's raw silk is of high quality; the railway will significantly reduce transportation costs, allowing silkworm farmers to earn higher profits.

However, since the Meiji Restoration, Japan has actively supported the raw silk and textile industries. Today, raw silk exports are almost on par with China's, and the textile industry can basically meet domestic market demand. What does this mean? Doesn't it mean that the development of the raw silk and textile industries is nearing Japan's limits?

The international market for raw silk is primarily consumed in Europe and the United States, with the US being the fastest-growing market. China mainly exports raw silk to Europe, while its main export market is the US. Therefore, my country's raw silk exports are inextricably linked to the economic prosperity of the United States. In the past, the US had an undeveloped western frontier, which ensured a continuous influx of immigrants, providing the demographic foundation for the rising consumption of raw silk.

However, judging from the current development of the United States, its western frontier has been largely developed. Now, Americans are not considering importing labor from abroad, but rather attempting to replace the domestic population of people of color with white people. For example, the past Chinese Exclusion Act and the current restrictions on Japanese immigration both indicate that the United States no longer needs a large low-skilled workforce.

The current financial crisis in the United States reflects the failure of the US economy to find new growth drivers. Therefore, US raw silk consumption is unlikely to see rapid growth in the future, and may even shrink as the economy stagnates. This means that my country's raw silk exports will face significant risks.

Nagano, relying on raw silk as its main economic pillar, is essentially standing on the edge of a volcano; one wrong step and it could be swallowed up by an eruption. If we want Nagano to become our solid foundation, we need to transform its economic structure, making it a major economic center in the Kanto region. Then, the people of Nagano will naturally trust and rely on us.

Ogawa Heikichi was immediately intrigued. These days, politics requires a lot of money; without it, even with powerful backers, it's difficult to rise to power. The fact that the Ito cabinet selected so many people outside the Satsuma clique was unprecedented. After he and Hara Yoshimichi resigned from their ministerial positions, they were immediately back to square one. To continue in politics, they would first need to secure their seats in their constituents' districts, which were basically controlled by landowners. To get their support, they either had to throw money around or cultivate connections.

The reason he was so wary of the opinions of the Koshu zaibatsu was that they not only had money, but also extensive connections in Tokyo and the surrounding area. These individuals needed the Koshu zaibatsu's support to run for parliament. Of course, he would wholeheartedly support establishing their own zaibatsu, as it would mean entering the true pinnacle of power.

However, Ogawa still said with some difficulty, "I support Shinji's ideals, but isn't this a bit too hasty? We don't seem to have the strength to support Nagano's economy right now, and besides raw silk, Nagano doesn't have any other industries to support."

Lin Xinyi, however, raised a finger and said, "I think there is an industry in Nagano that is worth supporting. The earlier we support it, the greater the returns will be in the future."

Ogawa asked in surprise, "What kind of industry is that?"

Lin Xinyi said, "Education is the most important factor in changing Nagano's economic structure. In the future, even farmers should have certain agricultural and business knowledge so that they know what to plant to maximize the return on land. Of course, what we need is not just agricultural talent, but industrial and technological talent who can shoulder the future of Japan."

Xiaochuan nodded, but quickly shook his head and said, "Education can indeed bring returns, but these returns are probably not something that can be seen in a short time. Where would we get so many funds to support education in an entire county?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "Yes, so we need to prepare another meal and use the proceeds from it to subsidize education in Nagano Prefecture. In this way, we can reconcile short-term and long-term interests."

Ogawa Heikichi's interest was immediately piqued, and he pressed for details. Lin Xinyi dipped his finger in some wine and casually drew the topography of Tokyo Bay on the low table. Then, pointing to the rough map, he said, "The developed areas of Tokyo Bay have always been between Tokyo and Yokohama. Chiba Prefecture, east of Tokyo, is almost entirely rural. Apart from farmland and fishing ports, there is practically no industry or commerce."

Previously, any development in the Tokyo area almost always extended to the edges of Tokyo's 15 wards. Even today, the Yamanote Line, which encircles Tokyo Prefecture, and the Chuo Station, connecting the Tohoku and Tokaido railways, are still in the planning stages. Therefore, land prices in Chiba Prefecture are vastly different from those in Kanagawa Prefecture, east of Tokyo Bay.

In reality, aside from the disadvantage of shallower water levels, Chiba and Kanagawa prefectures are not fundamentally different in terms of other natural conditions. The reason for such a large difference in land prices is that Kanagawa Prefecture is located on the Tokaido route and has historically been a bustling transportation hub, thus developing earlier, while Chiba Prefecture faces the Pacific Ocean and has had very little trade and travel.

However, with today's technology, Chiba Prefecture's geographical environment is no longer a disadvantage. As long as we can turn this region into a major port for foreign trade, land prices in Chiba Prefecture will experience a period of rapid increase. Even if they cannot eventually compare with land prices in Kanagawa Prefecture, they will certainly not be as cheap as they are today.

Therefore, we need to launch an industrial development plan for Chiba Prefecture, intercept the project to nationalize private railways, and then use the money to develop education and infrastructure in Nagano Prefecture. Furthermore, with such funds in hand, we can also acquire Tokyo's power grid, promote the separation of power plants and the power grid, and bring power companies in the Kanto region under our control.

Rather than letting those capitalists dictate to us, it's better to have them do things according to our requirements. That way, we'll hear far fewer distractions in the future.

Ogawa Heikichi greatly admired the plan to separate the power plant from the grid, but he soon asked with some concern, "Promoting industrial development in Chiba Prefecture is certainly a good idea, but can we really do it on our own? Can Ito Genzo form another cabinet?"

Lin Xinyi chuckled and said, "I'm not entirely sure about the next administration, but the one after that will inevitably return to the navy. Because economic development and military expansion are mutually exclusive. Whoever comes to power can only choose one. And if the government wants to reduce its military strength, it must cooperate with the navy, which means it must accept the navy's demands. What we need to do is, when the time is right, put forward the economic development plan we require..."

After a moment of contemplation, Ogawa Heikichi nodded repeatedly in agreement.

Chapter 564

Lin Xinyi and Ogawa Heikichi's conversation ended with the arrival of Ogawa Eijiro and Takeuchi. The four of them sat together and chatted casually. Unlike other ordinary people, they didn't talk about street gossip, but rather some news in society. As the elder, Ogawa Heikichi occasionally commented on the real situation behind the news, which was actually a kind of family education, letting the next generation know how the country actually works.

Although the Meiji Restoration broke down some class restrictions and shifted power to the middle class of society, the middle class also had the desire to pass on power. They just chose the more deceptive examination system instead of the obvious hereditary system.

To the average person, the greatest fairness is that as long as you work hard, you can change your destiny through education and squeeze into high society. But being good at studying doesn't mean you can become an official. A bookworm who doesn't even understand how the country works can only end up in technical or low-level clerical positions and will never be able to enter the core of the country's power.

Those bureaucratic families, from a young age, instill in their children their understanding of how the country functions through words and deeds—a kind of knowledge about being an official that ordinary families rarely have access to. Entering the University of Tokyo merely grants one the qualification to become an official, while some families' children begin preparing for officialdom from birth. Can the gap between the two be bridged by one or two exams?

Why is the feudal aristocracy opposed by everyone? Because it not only harms the interests of ordinary people, but also offends the interests of the middle class. The Five Articles of the Covenant were not only an agreement between the feudal aristocracy and the Emperor, but also an agreement between the feudal aristocracy and the middle class. Now, the feudal aristocracy is trying to restore the feudal aristocracy's hereditary power, which naturally arouses the dissatisfaction of the middle class.

Although Ogawa Heikichi came from an ordinary family, he was undoubtedly an elite among intellectuals. He had already squeezed into the middle class that controlled the country's power and wealth. Even if he did not enter the Ito Cabinet this time, he would gradually enter the political world, only at a slower pace. Therefore, he had a deep understanding of how the country operated, which allowed Ogawa Eijiro and Takeuchi to see the true face of society.

Normally, Ogawa Heikichi wouldn't want to discuss things so deeply, because he believed that young people should be taught a lesson before being truly educated. However, tonight, having just discussed important matters with Hayashi Shin-yi, he was clearly somewhat unsettled, so he said a few more words, which greatly shocked the two recent graduates, because the truth behind the news was truly so sordid.

Eijiro Ogawa had trouble sleeping that night. After thinking for a long time, he asked Hsin-Yi Lin, who was sitting next to him, "Hsin-Yi, I don't think I'm very suited to be a reporter."

The three young men slept in one room, huddled around a hearth with burning charcoal, enjoying the warmth from the fire. Lin Xinyi lazily replied, "Why? Are you afraid of seeing the darkness?"

Eijiro Ogawa was silent for a moment, then spoke again: "I am a little scared, but I am even more scared of seeing it and being unable to do anything about it, and then having no compassion at all. Although I do not wish to be able to light up others, I at least hope that I will not become a part of the darkness."

After pondering for a long time, Lin Xinyi said, "Then let's write. Let's tell the people what is real. For example, who really founded Meiji Japan? Was it the people? The samurai? Or the Emperor? If the people don't even know what light is, then they will mistake darkness for light."

Our neighboring country imprisoned the minds of its citizens through literary inquisitions, causing China to fall behind in the competition of world civilization. Today, some people in Japan are also attempting to imprison the minds of their people with fabricated history, turning them into mindless subjects of the Emperor. If we do not expose this, then the blood of the Japanese who fell in the anti-shogunate war and the Meiji Restoration will have been shed in vain, and Japan will once again return to the dark age of samurai rule. I think this is certainly not the new Japan that those anti-shogunate and Meiji Restoration patriots hoped for.

Ogawa Eijiro and Takeuchi both turned their gazes in the same direction. Although they couldn't see Lin Xinyi's face clearly in the dim firelight, they both seemed to see the nonchalant expression on Lin Xinyi's face.

For these young university students, the Emperor's position was not so inviolable. After all, their education was based on the Meiji Constitution system with the Emperor as the organ, which meant that the Emperor was merely the supreme ruling body representing the country, and that the power of governance belonged to the state, not the Emperor as its representative.

The military constantly proclaimed itself to be the Emperor's army, not the nation's army, which these university students saw as an outrageous and constitutional violation. As a result, two viewpoints emerged on campus: one was to uphold the supremacy of the constitution and prohibit the military from violating it under the Emperor's name; the other was to argue that the Emperor was not the private property of the military, but the Emperor of the people, and therefore the military and the government should be under the Emperor's control. However, this would make the constitution an obstacle to the Emperor's direct rule.

In such debates, the Emperor is not actually an inviolable figure, but rather a weapon and shield used by both sides to attack and defend against each other's arguments. However, this was the first time the two had heard someone directly question the legitimacy of the Emperor's rule like Hayashi Nobuyoshi, which both shocked them and made them feel that there was a lot of truth to it.

Eijiro Ogawa couldn't help but ask Shin-yi Hayashi, "Shin-yi, what kind of new Japan do the anti-shogunate patriots and Meiji Restoration patriots yearn for?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment, then briefly talked about a TV series he had watched before, and concluded: "I hope that Japan will open its eyes to the world and enlighten the minds of its people through political and economic reforms, like a cloud slowly rising along a sloping mountain road. This is probably the new Japan they are looking forward to."

I don't believe they sacrificed their lives to overthrow the brutal shogunate just to let their people swagger over other nations and demonstrate Japanese barbarity. If that were the case, the world would simply be a larger version of the Edo shogunate, completely devoid of anything new.

Both Ogawa Eijiro and Takeuchi were captivated by the story told by Hayashi Nobuyoshi. This vibrant and progressive Meiji era was far more interesting than the truth about the workings of power that Ogawa's uncle had just described. They instinctively hoped that the former was the true history of the Meiji era. Takeuchi couldn't help but say, "Nobuyoshi, you should write this story down."

Eijiro Ogawa nodded in agreement, feeling that the story should not be buried. "Nobuyoshi, you really shouldn't have become a soldier. If you had gone into writing, you would have been as popular as Soseki."

Lin Xinyi just laughed it off. He knew he was only benefiting from the influence of later generations' culture, and that if he were to actually put this story on paper, it would inevitably be much less impressive. So he said to Ogawa Eijiro, "Pen and ink can change people's thoughts, but they cannot fight against violence. A Western philosopher once said: 'The weapon of criticism cannot replace the criticism of weapons.'"

To change society, words alone are not enough; this is the significance of the bloodshed and sacrifice of the anti-shogunate and reformist patriots. We must explain the meaning of their sacrifices, and we must also use force to defend the gains they achieved. This is the mission of our generation. If you like this story, write it down; my task is to ensure that your story gets published…”

The next morning, Takeuchi and Hayashi Nobuyoshi boarded a carriage. Inside, he couldn't help but say, "I thought that after you joined the Navy, you would put protecting the country first. I didn't expect you to still be the same."

Lin Xinyi looked at him earnestly and said, "This is also about protecting the country, but what I want to protect is the country of ordinary people, not the country of the Emperor, the feudal lords, or the zaibatsu. Don't you think it's absurd that the citizens of a country dare not ask the country to protect their own interests, yet complain that the country doesn't oppress foreigners enough? Isn't the happiness of the Japanese people built on the goodness of their own lives, but on the suffering of others? What's the difference between that kind of Japanese and the feudal lords and zaibatsu who oppress ordinary people?"

Takeuchi fell into deep thought. Lin Xinyi didn't urge him to make a decision. He turned and opened the cotton curtain covering the car window. A blast of cold air hit his face, making him sneeze. However, the fresh air outside also invigorated him. The scenery of the fields by the roadside and the snow-covered mountains in the distance was indeed beautiful.

Although he had traveled to many places, he still felt that the beauty of Nagano's forests was unparalleled. This beauty, while not grand, was exquisitely refined and perfectly suited to the lives of ordinary people. No wonder Nagano has become a popular tourist destination in later generations; even in its current undeveloped and pristine state, it remains incredibly captivating.

As Lin Xinyi admired the beautiful scenery along the roadside, Takeuchi finally broke the silence and said, "Do you think I should go back to Nagano or stay in Tokyo? If I stay in Tokyo, I feel like there's nothing I can do, but if I come back, I don't know what I can do."

Lin Xinyi turned his gaze away from the window, looked Takeuchi No over, and said, "Staying in Tokyo will allow you to quickly understand how the power in this country works. If you want to be a bureaucrat, you should naturally stay in Tokyo."

Returning to Nagano will likely make it difficult for you to pursue a bureaucratic career, but seeing firsthand how Nagano farmers live will at least give you insight into where this country needs change. Whichever path you choose, I will support you.

After a few seconds of silence, Takeuchi asked, "If I go back to Nagano, where should I begin to see the real lives of farmers?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and said, "Then let's go to the farmers' association. Farmers' associations are being organized in various places, but these associations vary in quality. Some are groups of tenant farmers and self-cultivating farmers trying to fight against landlords; others are farmers' associations that landlords and wealthy farmers organized first to prevent tenant farmers from uniting and to try to control tenant farmers and self-cultivating farmers through the associations."

With your family background, joining the farmers' association should be quite easy; I just don't know if your uncle will agree. However, if you're determined, I can ask Uncle Ogawa and Senior Hara for help. Although they've retired from public office, they were ministers after all, and I believe the landowners in Nagano will still give them some face…”

Lin Xinyi said he was going home for the New Year, but he was actually going to his sister's house, since his own house had been sold long ago. However, he was somewhat surprised to find that his sister's house had been renovated after he hadn't been back for several years, and had become the second largest mansion in the village after the landlord's.

Upon Lin Xinyi's return, his brother-in-law's family was extremely welcoming. During the banquet they hosted for him, Lin Xinyi finally learned why his family had undergone such a drastic change: Ogawa Heikichi had sent them a sum of money, which enabled his brother-in-law's family to buy land and rebuild their house. Because of this, his sister's status in the Abe family rose considerably, and she managed to barely finish her middle school education.

Faced with his brother-in-law's family's gratitude towards the Xiao Chuan family and their wish for him to serve them well, Lin Xinyi simply smiled and didn't say anything to spoil the mood. However, he still had a rather awkward New Year, because the villagers clearly treated him like a master instead of their former neighbor. His brother-in-law's family also thought he should wear his military uniform as everyday clothes so that the village would know that his family had produced an officer.

In short, what was once a simple peasant family is now showing ambitions of becoming landowners. Lin Xinyi felt that he would probably never be able to come back for the New Year again, because this place had lost its meaning as a home. He only stayed at his brother-in-law's house for three days. On January 4th, Ogawa Heikichi sent a carriage to pick him up and take him to visit some prominent figures in the Nagano region.

While Lin Xinyi was dealing with local powerful families in the countryside, Foreign Minister Komura Jutaro finally returned to Tokyo. The day after his return, he discussed the draft of the Japan-Korea Protectorate Agreement with Katsura Taro. On January 12, Minister to Korea Hayashi Gonsuke returned to Tokyo to report on the current situation in Korea to Komura Jutaro and Katsura Taro, and discussed the draft of the Japan-Korea Protectorate Agreement.

After the meeting, Katsura Taro told Komura that he was worried that Marquis Ito would oppose the draft bill. If that happened, he would not be able to persuade the Imperial Household Agency to support the bill. Komura then decided to go and persuade Marquis Ito to support it in person.

On the afternoon of January 16, Foreign Minister Komura visited Hirobumi Ito and brought with him a draft of the Japan-Korea Protection Treaty. Ito was naturally dissatisfied with Komura and Katsura Taro's unilateral decision-making. In fact, he did not approve of annexing Korea at this time, as it could provoke international resentment towards Japan, since Japan's declaration of war against Russia was nominally to protect the independence of Korea.

However, Foreign Minister Komura bluntly told Ito, "The army is currently full of radicals who want to expand the war. Although Kodama, the leader of the radical faction, is no longer here, there are many people in the army who want to preserve the fruits of victory in the war. The only one who can help the government suppress the radicals in the army is Prime Minister Katsura."

Even if Prime Minister Katsura wanted the army to obey orders, he would at least need to give the army a plausible reason. Giving up Manchuria and coastal areas could be mitigated by pressure from Western countries, but if even the Korean Peninsula were to be abandoned, Prime Minister Katsura's orders would likely be disobeyed.

My lord, please think this through. Back then, in order to create trouble for the annexation of Korea, the army even ordered ronin to enter the palace and kill the Korean queen. How passive was our country in terms of diplomacy after that? If our country has paid the price of so much blood from our soldiers today, but still gained nothing in the end, I fear that the same thing may happen again today.

In that case, not only would our country be placed on the defensive diplomatically, but Prime Minister Katsura's prestige within the army would also be severely damaged. Then, who would the government rely on to control the army? A major crisis would arise between the Imperial Government and the military, the harm of which would be no less than that of the Satsuma Rebellion.

Ito Hirobumi understood Foreign Minister Komura's concerns. It might be easy for the government to issue orders, but whether the military would obey was another matter entirely. If this led to disobedience by the frontline troops, the conflict between the government and the military would intensify. Just like Saigo Takamori in the Satsuma Rebellion, some people might be forced to rebel, which would obviously be extremely harmful to the imperial politics.

Seeing Ito remain silent, Foreign Minister Komura continued, "Moreover, the army's request is not without reason. If our country does not seize this opportunity to annex the Korean Peninsula, will we ever have another chance like this? my country's performance in this war has indeed been surprising, not only on the battlefield, but also in diplomacy, where the Chinese have become much more sophisticated and shrewd than they were a few years ago. If China were to gain control of Manchuria, would they still agree to our annexation of the Korean Peninsula? Rather than having disputes with China in the future, it would be better to take advantage of the fact that the Chinese are preoccupied with the Korean issue and create a fait accompli first."

Ito was finally swayed. He suppressed his anger and asked Foreign Minister Komura, "Then will other countries recognize our country's position on annexing Korea?"

Komura confidently stated, "The Americans want us to cease supporting the Philippine rebels. In exchange, we should be able to persuade them to accept our position on the Korean issue. Britain needs to continue the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, while France hopes we will support Russia's peace efforts in the East. As for Russia, this time in America, I have already made an agreement with Earl Witte that Japan and Russia should divide spheres of influence in East Asia and support each other's actions within those spheres..."

Chapter 565

On January 17, Lin Xinyi and Ogawa Heikichi returned to Tokyo together. As soon as Ogawa Heikichi got off the train, he bought several newspapers. Although the train service between Nagano and Tokyo had been established, Nagano was still outdated in terms of information. Only in Tokyo could one learn about the latest domestic and international news. From a certain perspective, the Japanese countryside was still conservative in its thinking. They did not care about outside affairs. Only ordinary citizens in big cities would care about domestic and international news that was unrelated to their livelihood, as a kind of spiritual nourishment.

After getting into the carriage, Ogawa, who was flipping through the newspaper, exclaimed in surprise, "The Austro-Hungarian Empire has announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Is war about to break out in the Balkans?"

Sitting opposite Ogawa, Hayashi Shin-yi was the first to read the domestic news. One news item caught his attention: the Katsura Cabinet announced the abolition of traditional villages left over from the Edo period, reorganizing them into new towns and villages as administrative units for rural areas, and establishing a village militia association in each village. The army was clearly strengthening its control over grassroots society, and as long as the army continued to expand, the power of the village militia associations in rural areas would become stronger and stronger.

As he was pondering this matter, he was interrupted by Xiaochuan. After taking the newspaper from Xiaochuan and reading the news, Lin Xinyi quickly reacted and said, "The main population of Bosnia and Herzegovina is Slavic. They were originally part of the Ottoman Empire along with the Kingdom of Serbia. However, in 1878, with the support of the Russian Empire, these regions launched an independence movement against the Ottoman Empire. This was actually an invasion of the Ottoman Empire by the great powers, similar to the invasion of the Kingdom of Poland by Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Germany."

Of course, the Ottoman Empire's territory was much larger than that of the Kingdom of Poland, and its geographical location was also better. Therefore, when faced with invasions from the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires, they could still find support from other powers. Thus, with the intervention of the British and Germans, the Ottoman Empire managed to retain the Straits and Greek territories, thereby blocking the Russian Empire's access to the Mediterranean.

Bosnia and Herzegovina separated from the Kingdom of Serbia through diplomatic efforts by Britain and Germany. However, in order to open up a land route to Asia, the Germans deliberately assigned the region to the Austro-Hungarian Empire for administration, while sovereignty remained with the Ottoman Empire. This was done to prevent Russia from supporting the Kingdom of Serbia's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, thereby cutting off Germany's land route to the straits.

The independence of the Kingdom of Serbia in 1878 was essentially the result of compromise and a balance of power among various parties, a outcome that was unsatisfactory to all. Austria-Hungary did not fully acquire sovereignty over Bosnia and Herzegovina; the Ottoman Empire lost vast territories in the Balkans, leaving it with only Greece and the Straits des Congo in Europe—a process of gradual defeat; the Kingdom of Serbia failed to gain control of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a region with a predominantly Serbian population, and also lost access to the Mediterranean; and Russia missed the opportunity to annex the entire Balkan Peninsula.

Therefore, when the balance of power among these parties is disrupted, the compromise will naturally be altered. In this war in the Far East, the Russian Empire not only lost its main naval fleet but also suffered a crushing defeat on its army, thus disrupting the balance of power in the Balkans. Last year, the Ottoman Empire saw a revolution led by the Young Party, and today, Austria-Hungary announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina—these are all chain reactions to Russia's failures in the Far East…

Lin Xinyi's analysis was almost entirely correct, but there was one thing he didn't know: the Austro-Hungarian Empire's eagerness to announce the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not only to completely eliminate Russia's hopes of expanding into the Mediterranean region, but also because Archduke Ferdinand, the Austro-Hungarian emperor's nephew, hoped to use this opportunity to promote the stagnant political reforms within the empire.

As an empire primarily built through marriage alliances and diplomacy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire's central government did not exert strong control over local powers. Consequently, with the rise of France, Germany, and Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire's dominant position in Central Europe was shaken. In particular, the two defeats in 1859 and 1866 caused the Austro-Hungarian Empire to lose face, which in turn fueled the independence movements of various ethnic minorities within the empire.

In order to maintain the existence of the empire, Emperor Franz Joseph was forced to agree to political reforms. The first step of these reforms was to compromise with the Hungarians, who were an important part of the empire's population and the minority with the most obvious independence tendencies. Emperor Franz Joseph recognized the existence of the Kingdom of Hungary, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire became a dual monarchy.

This reform was only the first step; the subsequent political reforms aimed to unify the various ethnic groups within Austria-Hungary into subjects of a single empire, establishing a centralized empire similar to Tsarist Russia. However, the imperial government made too many concessions to the Hungarians, granting them veto power, thus preventing the further political reforms from proceeding.

In order to change the situation of being controlled by the Magyars, Archduke Ferdinand believed that the Croats in Hungary should be supported. The Croats, like the Bosnians and Serbs, were mainly Slavic. Due to oppression by the Magyars, the Croats were close to the Austrians.

Archduke Ferdinand's idea was to change the dual order to a triad, using the Croats to contain the Magyars. However, the Croats were somewhat insufficient in strength. If the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina were included, a Slavic nation second only to the Magyars would emerge within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, thus forming a third element within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

When Russia suffered setbacks in the East, the reformists led by Archduke Franz Ferdinand seized the opportunity to completely annex Bosnia and Herzegovina. The revolutions that broke out in the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire further fueled Archduke Ferdinand's ambitions. Thus, in January 1908, Austria-Hungary officially announced a diplomatic declaration to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This diplomatic declaration had a significant impact on all parties, with the Kingdom of Serbia bearing the brunt. If Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia were to form a third element of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it would mean the shattering of the dream of a Greater Serbia. This fueled the hatred of Serbian nationalists towards the Austro-Hungarian Empire, deepening the antagonism between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire and further inclining Serbian nationalists toward Pan-Slavism.

Secondly, there was the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman elites, already disillusioned with the empire's domestic and foreign policies, were further inclined towards reform, and the Young Party revolution, which was already on the verge of failure, gained widespread sympathy.

Then came the internal turmoil within the Russian Empire. In November and December, the Tsarist government frantically suppressed the domestic revolution and successfully incited hatred among the Slavic people towards Jews. Due to the Tsarist government's consistent persecution of the Jewish people, many Jews joined anti-Tsarist organizations, resulting in Jews making up a significant proportion of the various revolutionary organizations during the 1907 Revolution.

The Tsarist government took advantage of this, vilifying the revolution as a Jewish conspiracy to enslave the Slavic people. The governor of Saratov province, Stolypin, was the most adept at this, as he funded the Black Hundred and united with Slavic nationalists in the city to brutally suppress the peasant and workers' movements.

In the Middle Ages, the Black Hundred was a collective term for urban taxpayers. During the Tsarist period, it came to be a term for Slavic nationalists and statists who called themselves true "patriots."

　The first political party of the Black Hundred, the Russian Congress, was founded in October 1900. Initially, it advocated for the purification of the Russian language and the protection of Russian culture from foreign influences. In 1902, the Russian parliament declared its intention to fight against enemies disrupting the Russian state order. The 1907 revolution brought in a large number of educated conservatives, thus strengthening the Black Hundred.

　These people declared that any disruption of national order was intolerable and a betrayal of the nation and its people. Stolypin used the Black Hundred to form a reactionary gang that attacked workers' and peasants' organizations within the province. In November, a politically conservative force was also established: the October Alliance, which claimed to support the October 11th Declaration. If the Black Hundred's main force consisted of the lower and middle classes, then the October Alliance represented the conservative forces within high society.

　These two right-wing organizations dismantled the revolutionary worker-peasant alliance through political and street struggles, replacing the democratic revolution with Pan-Slavism. Austro-Hungarian sovereignty claims over Bosnia and Herzegovina left Russian Pan-Slavists with no choice but to support the Serbs and demand that the empire focus its main efforts on the Balkans.

　Driven by the Pan-Slavists, the Noble Union staged a coup, petitioning the Tsar to dissolve the Special Council chaired by Count Witte. However, Nicholas II understood that Russia was incapable of waging any more wars, but he had to choose a figure who could gain the approval of the Slavists to form a government. Thus, he ultimately invited Stolypin, who was supported by the Black Hundred, to form a new government.

　Stolypin, favored by Slavic nationalists, was not a true fanatical nationalist. His support for Slavic nationalism was aimed at quelling revolutions and saving the empire, not at genuinely adopting Slavic nationalism as his political ideology. Therefore, after meeting with Nicholas II, Stolypin argued that the empire needed peace, not war. Only through internal reforms that eased social tensions could Russia avenge itself against China and Japan and regain its position in the Balkans.

　At this time, Nicholas II was also frightened by the fanatical Slavic nationalists. Although he had single-handedly created the current nationalist fervor within the empire, he truly hadn't expected that these Slavic nationalists would not only destroy the revolutionary workers' and peasants' organizations, but also persecute even the slightly more moderate social progressives. Although the revolution within Russia had been almost completely extinguished, the fact that there was only one voice in Russia was also dangerous for him.

　Nicholas II chose Stolypin and decided to support him in leading domestic reforms. Therefore, after forming a new government, Stolypin's first priority was to dissolve the State Duma, which was beyond his control, to pave the way for his envisioned political and economic reforms. To this end, he not only intended to recognize the secret agreement between Count Witte and the Japanese, but also to accept the Chinese proposal to retain the Republic of Chita, in order to first stabilize the empire's Far Eastern frontier.

　Meanwhile, in the Far East, Japan also experienced political turmoil due to the Austro-Hungarian Empire's announcement of its annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with consequences no less severe than the political upheavals within the Russian Empire.