Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 71

If such a situation arises, how will the people of the whole country view our northward advance? Unless we can expel the Russians from Manchuria and Outer Mongolia after capturing Beijing, we will become accomplices in Russia's occupation of Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, because our actions violate our own political principles.

Tian Junyi's words made Sun Wu and Wang Chuzhen's expressions turn sour, but neither of them uttered a word of rebuttal. Tian Junyi then continued, "Our main arguments for raising an army are twofold: to convene a parliament to draft a constitution and to urge the court to defend the country."

Therefore, our right to defend Hubei by force, authorized by the Congress of Workers, Peasants and Soldiers, is legally justified; it is a right granted to us by the people of Hubei. If we were to engage in combat outside the province, it must be based on the premise of protecting the interests of the people before we can call upon the people of Hubei and the entire nation for their support.

So what will the people of Hubei and the whole country support us in doing right now? Protecting the logistics line of the new army entering Tibet, safeguarding the safety of the people of Wuhan, and protecting their normal lives. If we do these three things, then sending troops to protect the road-building troops from Chongqing to Chengdu is feasible; sending troops to Hunan to suppress bandits and maintain the transportation route from Pingxiang to Wuchang is feasible; and, if necessary, preemptively seizing Jiujiang to prevent foreign warships from entering the Yangtze River section near Wuhan is also an option. Establishing a defensive line in the Dabie Mountains to prevent the imperial court from sending troops to attack Hubei is also feasible.

However, it seems our forces are insufficient to accomplish all these tasks simultaneously, so we must prioritize and order our actions. In my opinion, Commissioner Li's proposal is sound; capturing Jiujiang could block the westward advance of the foreign powers' fleets. But I have a question: if the foreign powers use this as a pretext to cut off the Yangtze River waterway, would occupying Jiujiang still be meaningful? If so, wouldn't simply laying mines on the Yangtze River near Tianjia Town achieve the same effect as attacking Jiujiang?

Li Yuanhong had to carefully remind him: "If we use mines to blockade the Yangtze River, we will offend all the foreign powers."

Tian Junyi then countered, "We've already reached the point of using mines to blockade the Yangtze River, do we still need to consider whether we'll offend the great powers? The only thing we need to consider is how long we can survive..."

Chapter 246 Representative Meeting

When news spread that the Workers' Party had raised the banner of rebellion in Wuhan, captured Tie Liang and Duan Fang, and sent a telegram to the court condemning Li Hongzhang and Empress Dowager Cixi for colluding with the country to bring chaos, and demanding the convening of a parliament to draft a constitution, intellectuals at home and abroad were in an uproar.

In Tokyo, Liang Qichao commented on the actions of the Workers' Party. He said that although he had not accepted the Workers' Party's socialist propositions in the past, he could not help but applaud the Workers' Party's actions. The country was currently in trouble with both internal and external problems, and it was indeed necessary to convene a parliament to find a way for China to save itself and survive.

When Kang Youwei, who was in Canada at the time, heard this news, he immediately raised funds from overseas Chinese in the name of the Royalist Association to support the Labor Party. He also told the overseas Chinese that he would soon return to China to take charge of the overall situation and lead these loyal and brave people to rescue the emperor, clear the country of evil, and then the country would not continue to sink into depravity.

On the revolutionary side, the split within the Revive China Society led some members to leave and join the Labor Party. The Japanese government, seeking to wage war against Russia, also preferred to maintain good relations with the Qing government, and therefore asked Sun Yat-sen to leave.

Having received a sum of travel expenses, Sun Yat-sen returned to the United States to try to mobilize overseas Chinese. However, he encountered great resistance from the Royalist Party. Under the series of debates initiated by the Royalist Party, he finally calmed down and studied his Three Principles of the People carefully, and published "The True Solution to the Chinese Problem". He derived the goal of the revolution from the Three Principles of the People: only by overthrowing the Qing government and establishing the Republic of China could the Chinese problem be truly solved.

The publication of this article marked Sun Yat-sen's final break with the reformists, establishing revolution as the sole means to solve China's problems—undoubtedly a major step forward for him personally. Regarding the Wuhan Uprising launched by the Workers' Party, since it did not demand a change of dynasty or the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty to establish a republic, most newspapers at home and abroad denied it as an uprising. Sun Yat-sen believed that although the Workers' Party had achieved some success, its direction was wrong.

Therefore, Sun Yat-sen called on the Workers' Party in the newspaper to continue the revolution, completely overthrow the Qing government and establish a republican government. At the same time, he began to raise travel expenses to go to Japan to observe the situation before making further plans.

However, at this time, the word "revolution" was no longer a monster to the Chinese people. After the Boxer Rebellion, a large number of intellectuals were greatly disappointed with the Qing government. In particular, after the atrocities committed by the Eight-Nation Alliance in Beijing were spread, and in order to return to Beijing as soon as possible, Empress Dowager Cixi ordered Li Hongzhang to conclude the Boxer Protocol with the foreign powers as soon as possible. Some intellectuals who advocated reform turned to revolution, and the reformists who had hated the rebels in the past now sympathized with the revolution.

Especially after the Qing government promoted the Hui Rebellion and intended to reform education by abolishing the imperial examination system, even the lower-class scholars who had previously supported the Qing dynasty saw no hope. In fact, when the Boxer Protocol was signed, the foreign powers demanded a ten-year suspension of the imperial examinations in some of the regions most fiercely resisting foreigners, which already destroyed the sanctity of the imperial examination system and showed everyone that the so-called imperial examinations were nothing more than a trick used by the Manchus to fool Han intellectuals.

Therefore, from 03 to 04, a large number of revolutionaries or sympathizers of revolutionaries emerged, and Japan was undoubtedly the place where these intellectuals who sympathized with revolution were most likely to turn into revolutionaries.

The cheapest third-class ticket to Nagasaki cost only six silver dollars, cheaper than flying from Shanghai to Tianjin. Moreover, after the implementation of formal education, studying abroad had become the alternative to the imperial examination for entering officialdom. Japan was the most convenient place to study abroad and where the culture was similar. After arriving in Japan, these intellectuals not only lost their constraints, but also, seeing the changes in Japan and looking back at the stagnant situation in China, most of them turned to revolution, except for the Manchus and a few who were obsessed with officialdom.

Thus, in 1904, a number of revolutionary groups were born. They either established organizations in Japan or formed organizations after returning to China with their comrades in Japan. Among the more famous ones were the Restoration Society and the Huaxing Society.

The Restoration Society was mainly composed of people from Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces. Initially, they were reformists who supported the imperial court. However, after the anti-Russian movement was suppressed by the court, these people from Jiangsu and Zhejiang turned to a revolutionary stance. Although they had contact with the Workers' Party, they could not agree with the Workers' Party's propositions of national equality and land revolution.

The Huaxing Society was mainly composed of people from Hunan and Hubei provinces, and had close ties with most members of the Labor Party. Initially, Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren wanted to join the Labor Party, but they opposed the Labor Party's land revolution ideology and believed that it should be modified in order to attract more influential people to join the party. Ultimately, due to Tian Junyi's opposition, the party members who supported Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren were expelled, and these people eventually formed the Huaxing Society.

Besides these larger revolutionary groups, there were also a large number of smaller groups in each province. However, apart from the Labor Party and the Revive China Society, which each had their own revolutionary programs, these other revolutionary groups were, strictly speaking, clubs of anti-establishment elements. They genuinely hated the Qing Dynasty and wanted to overthrow it, but they had no concept of what kind of new country to establish. Or rather, some of them were actually more afraid of revolutionary groups like the Labor Party succeeding.

Regardless, the establishment of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in Wuhan, which lasted for more than half a month, had already shocked these revolutionary groups. The convening of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress further spurred some revolutionary groups to eagerly make their voices heard. Both the Revive China Society and the Restoration Society planned to send representatives to Wuhan to contact the Workers' Party and explore the possibility of a united front.

Although the Huaxing Society was founded in Changsha, it also had a base in Wuchang, and some of its members were former members of the Labor Party who had left the party. Despite leaving the party, there was no real conflict of interest among them; their differences lay only in their revolutionary goals. Since the Qing government was still in power, no unpleasant incidents occurred.

On the second day of the uprising, some members of the Huaxing Society contacted the Labor Party and began assisting the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in its work. Later, Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren also rushed from Changsha to Hankou to attend the Congress of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Representatives. After the Labor Party clearly put forward its position of protecting the interests of the working class at the congress, Song Jiaoren quickly joined the side supporting the Labor Party, making the gentry representatives even more caught in the middle at the congress.

On the morning of December 22, Tian Junyi spoke at the congress. This time, he not only criticized the gentry representatives for obstructing the passage of the eight-hour workday and the 12% rent reduction bill, but also questioned them: "You keep saying that the most important thing for the country is to convene a parliament and establish a constitution, otherwise the great powers will not treat us as equals. Then I want to ask you, if we convene a parliament and formulate a constitution, and the great powers still refuse to treat us as equals, is it the fault of the constitution or the fault of the great powers?"

The gentry representatives stammered and refused to stand up to answer Tian Junyi's question. Tian Junyi then addressed the representatives and citizens in the hall: "Representatives and citizens, the purpose of convening a parliament and drafting a constitution is to restrain the government's actions and urge it to do its job, not to beg the great powers to treat us as equals. If you want the great powers to treat you as equals, you need Maxim machine guns and cannons."

We are able to sit here today to discuss how to defend the interests of the working class not out of the court's favor or the conscience of the landlords, but because we have taken up arms and fought. If our interests are not protected, will we stop fighting?

A worker representative immediately stood up and responded, "No, we will continue to take up arms and fight."

As this worker representative spoke, other worker representatives and Labour Party members in the hall rose to their feet in response to Tian Junyi. Encouraged by their words, most of the representatives and citizens outside the hall shouted excitedly to Tian Junyi, "Keep fighting! Keep fighting!"

Hearing the thunderous shouts, the dozens of gentry and merchant representatives sitting in their chairs couldn't help but tense up. They felt as if they were sitting on a scorching hot iron plate, not a chair.

Tian Junyi reached out and pressed forward lightly to quiet everyone down before continuing, "Protecting the interests of the working class is the foundation for the establishment of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress. If this foundation does not exist, then there will be no Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress, because the working class will never take up arms to protect a regime that harms its own interests. We will overthrow it and establish a new regime that protects our interests."

I am not warning any particular delegates; I am stating the principles of our party. We are willing to sit down with you to discuss issues in order to peacefully protect the interests of the working class, not the interests of the exploiters. If you cannot accept this, I think you should leave and go to the government, because for the past two hundred years, hasn't the government been protecting your interests?

Of course, it's not just the Manchu court that's protecting your interests. In the more than two thousand years of history since Confucius established Confucianism, which feudal dynasty hasn't protected the interests of the exploiters? But today, I just want to say that in the new country that our Workers' Party wants to build, there will be no place for the exploiters.

Therefore, you must either abandon your outdated ways of life, which continue to exploit the people to satisfy your own desires, or you will be buried by the people along with that corrupt regime. Because this time, we will never yield to you. Now I demand a public vote on the bills regarding the eight-hour workday and the 25% rent reduction…”

Tian Junyi's proposal received the support of the majority of representatives and citizens. During the voting process, most of the gentry and merchant representatives cast their ballots in the abstention box placed in the middle, while only a few cast their ballots in the opposition box on the right. Without exception, these people were cursed by the citizens outside the venue. On the other hand, the representatives who cast their ballots in the support box on the left received applause and support from the citizens.

After forcibly passing the Workers' Party's proposal, Tian Junyi immediately put forward a new motion to the delegates: "In order to defend the resolutions passed by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress, I request that all delegates grant the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee full authorization to mobilize soldiers and supplies to resist interference from the court or foreign powers, and to give the army the power to resist attacks from foreign powers..."

Chapter 247 The British Have Gone Mad

Near the corner of Houcheng Road in the German Concession stood the newly built Siemens Building, a four-story structure. Although it was designed to be the tallest building in Hankouli (excluding the Hankou Water Tower) at the time of its construction.

However, the building lost its throne before it was even completed. The land along the back city road was filled in, and the back city road was widened to four times its original width. New construction sites were also built on both sides of the road. These construction sites were not residential buildings, but commercial buildings, which extended all the way to Dazhimen Railway Station.

These commercial buildings range in height from five or six stories to seven or eight. Just looking at these bustling construction sites, one can imagine the city's new look in a few years. Franz Krupp, sitting in Karl Siemens' office on the fourth floor, sipping tea and gazing at the city outside the window, couldn't help but say to Karl, "This city is like a plant that grows after being watered; before you know it, it's all over the garden. I really don't understand why those Chinese are causing trouble now. In just a few more years, they could build this place into another Berlin."

Carl Siemens is now the German chairman of the Sino-German Chamber of Commerce. Since retiring to China, Krupp has maintained a low profile, avoiding public appearances and seemingly trying to be forgotten. Therefore, Krupp, who was more qualified to be the German chairman of the Sino-German Chamber of Commerce, declined the position. However, Krupp still wields considerable influence within the chamber.

Carl Siemens largely agreed with Krupp's assessment. The building they now occupy is one of Siemens' achievements in Hankou, with the Hankou Telegraph Bureau located on the ground floor. Siemens' technology has become an indispensable part of the city.

Just as Tian Junyi had described to him, Siemens benefited greatly from the development of Hankou. It not only set standards for the city but also for China in the field of electricity, as Hankou has now become the city with the highest electricity consumption in China. Hubei and Hunan were also the first regions in China to attempt to establish a power grid.

Although the British in Shanghai were the first to introduce electricity to China and established the Municipal Council's Electrical Department to supply electricity to the concessions, thus pioneering the concept of an urban power supply system in China, they primarily viewed electricity as a commodity rather than a standard to promote. Therefore, they did not establish a standard for electrical equipment in China. While Chinese people in various regions subsequently introduced power generation equipment, it lacked uniformity.

Only in Hankou, through cooperation between the State Economic Commission and Siemens, were voltage and frequency standards for the electrical industry published earlier this year. The standards adopted a 380/220 volt standard with a 50 Hz frequency, mandated in the Hubei and Hunan regions, while recommended for implementation in other parts of China. Siemens reaped the greatest benefits from this standard setting, meaning that electrical equipment from other countries must first pass the review of standards set by Siemens before being connected to the power grid in China.

Siemens is currently busy pushing forward with the geological surveys for hydroelectric power stations in Hubei Province and attempting to expand its business to other provinces bordering Hubei. Naturally, they don't want any unrest to occur at this time. However, things didn't go as planned, and a mutiny broke out right before their eyes. Deep down, Carl hoped that the Economic Commission could control the situation, but reality and ideals are always different.

Thinking of this, Karl couldn't help but ask Krupp, "Are we really going to make concessions to the British? In the past four years, we have invested 100 million marks in this city, while the British and others have only invested 30 million marks in total. The Chinese have invested at least twice as much as we have combined. The land value in Hankou has been estimated at 12 to 13 billion marks. If we make concessions to the British at this time, both the Chinese and we will suffer great losses."

Franz Krupp glanced at Karl and said, "This is why I have always emphasized that Germany must have a strong navy. I am not thinking about my own business, but Germany really needs such a strong navy to protect its interests overseas. Otherwise, if the British go crazy, we will have no choice but to bow our heads and admit defeat."

Karl, unusually, agreed with Krupp's opinion. In fact, the German business community did not entirely support building a powerful German navy, as it would obviously provoke British resentment. For the British, the emergence of several land powers in Europe was not a big deal, as long as a monster like Napoleon who attempted to unify all of Europe did not appear. However, there was one thing the British could not tolerate: any country attempting to challenge the Royal Navy in terms of naval power.

The reason why the conflict between France and Russia and between Britain was greater than that between Britain and Germany was that Germany did not attempt to challenge the British Empire's naval hegemony, while France and Russia were building up their fleets. This confrontation between Britain and France and Russia once made German industrialists very profitable; they enjoyed the protection of the British Navy but did not have to do anything for Britain.

However, as Germany began to build a powerful navy, German goods became less popular in Britain. The British started encouraging American industrial products to enter Britain to compete with German products. Although American industrial products were of rather poor quality, they were cheap. Under such pressure, many German industrialists were dissatisfied with the idea of ​​building a navy and triggering a confrontation between Britain and Germany.

While Siemens, as an electrical company, was technologically far ahead of the Americans, the electrical industry was still a relatively new sector, and the skill gap between companies wasn't actually that wide. The United States, with its abundant resources and geniuses like Edison and Tesla, continuously strived to catch up with its European counterparts in the electrical industry.

In fact, Siemens' secret to suppressing its American counterparts lies not only in Siemens' own technological capabilities, but also in the high level of German industry as a whole. Although the Americans have introduced a large number of European talents, they cannot, like Germany, spend three or four years training a skilled worker. Such a cost would be too high for the United States.

The US countered the German industrial system by using mass production to reduce costs, thereby defeating Germany's high-quality but expensive products with a cheaper, lower-quality one. The British also once defeated India's high-quality hand-forged steel with cheap, inferior steel; in the consumer age, price is always king.

German industry also finds this competitive approach from American industry quite troublesome because they cannot compete with American industry in this way. Large-scale production corresponds to a large market, meaning that only a large market can distribute variable costs, allowing the cost of industrial products to drop to a surprisingly low level. The United States relies on its domestic market as a foundation and then competes with Germany in the European market, while Germany's domestic market cannot compare with that of the United States.

When the British supported American industry to counter German industry, the Germans were naturally both angry and terrified. Some, like Krupp, advocated confrontation, while others, like the Hamburg shipping company, advocated Anglo-German reconciliation and a return to the good old days. But now Britain had Germany cornered, and even German industrialists like Karl, who were friendly to Britain, could no longer tolerate British arrogance.

Just as he was about to say something to Krupp, his secretary knocked on his door to report that the Chinese had arrived. Karl then instructed his secretary to invite them up and to bring up some fresh tea.

Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan entered Karl's office. After exchanging a few pleasantries with Siemens and Krupp, he said to them in a relaxed manner, "I met with the representative of Mobil Oil Company in Hankou these past two days. I discussed a plan with him. I wonder if you two are interested?"

Before Krupp could speak, Karl asked, "What kind of plan?"

Tian Junyi then said to the two men, “In the past few years, the urban construction in Hankou has been as fast as if it were on a train. However, we believe that the reason why the city’s construction has been so rapid is inseparable from the use of a large number of machines. If we had continued to use the old methods and relied solely on manpower, we would have been unable to complete even one-twentieth of the project.”

Therefore, I think the Americans are right; the 20th century was the century of machines, and whoever owned more machines was able to create more wealth. These machines not only functioned in factories, but also in rivers, roads, and fields.

Although machines in the past relied on steam to operate, now it seems that oil and electricity are not only more convenient to use as power sources for machines, but also significantly reduce the manufacturing time and price of machines.

For example, tractors powered by petroleum can not only cultivate the land but also transport materials on dirt roads. Of course, we have also heard of a four-wheeled carriage powered by petroleum that can move on roads without horses. Compared to expensive railways, this four-wheeled vehicle is obviously more suitable for short-distance land transportation, which is an excellent means of transportation for a country like ours.

Therefore, we plan to cooperate with the Americans to build an oil refinery, directly purchasing crude oil from the United States, Borneo, or Myanmar for refining. The refined diesel and gasoline will then be used to supply tractors and four-wheeled vehicles. I know that Germany has excellent design capabilities in machinery; I wonder if they could help us design a factory to produce these two types of machinery?

Karl was quite intrigued. While Germany possessed the technological reserves for tractors and automobiles, their scale was relatively small. This was because Germany had too many steam plows and a highly developed railway system. However, these two machines held great promise for China, as the country was completely untapped in this field. If the Chinese could successfully promote tractors and automobiles, it would represent a substantial market.

However, Krupp stopped Karl and said bluntly to Tian Junyi, "A very good plan. But I think you should be considering how to overcome the current difficulties, not the construction issue. I suggest you compromise with Beijing, because the British have decided to side with Beijing, and Berlin has given orders to its minister in China not to intervene in this matter."

Krupp noticed that Qin Lishan's expression had changed slightly, while Tian Junyi remained silent for a few seconds before calmly saying to him, "Regardless of whether we can overcome this difficulty, I believe these are the machines that China will need in the future. It will be either us or someone else who will build this country. I just want to know if Germany is interested in this. However, since we've come this far, I'd also like to ask, what exactly is Berlin's position?"

Krupp held Tian Junyi in high regard. Even disregarding the fact that Tian had helped him solve a major problem, his persistence in construction alone was worthy of respect. Therefore, after a moment's consideration, he decided to speak frankly: "The British have gone mad. Last month, the British Navy discussed whether to launch a surprise attack before the German navy was completed, to destroy German naval power."

This was originally supposed to be an internal discussion within the British Navy, but someone deliberately leaked it. The British public not only didn't oppose it, but mostly supported it. Furthermore, Britain discussed the Persian question with Russia and the border issues with France regarding French China and Burma. Judging from these actions, Britain seemed intent on reconciling with France and Russia to focus on dealing with our country…”

Chapter 248 Down with the Great Powers

As the powerful whistle of the steamer sounded, Fang Changlin was still focused on processing parts at his workstation. Just as he was about to pick up a semi-finished product, someone patted him on the shoulder and said, "Alright, it's time to go home. Stop working."

Fang Changlin glanced back at his coworker, then looked at the sunlight streaming in through the skylight, and immediately replied with a smile, "Stop fooling around, it's still early for dinner."

Unexpectedly, his coworker said to him seriously, "Starting today, we'll finish get off work at 5 p.m. and start work at 8 a.m., with a one-hour lunch break. Didn't the factory already announce that?"

Fang Changlin turned to look at the workshop. Sure enough, everyone had already shut down their machines, but they were all standing at their workstations, seemingly undecided about leaving. Just then, the foreman stood at the workshop door and called out to them, "Time to go home, but make sure everyone cleans up their workstations before you leave. If I find anyone who hasn't cleaned up, they're out, but tomorrow they'll be staying to clean the workshop for me..."

One of the workers couldn't help but ask the foreman, "Can we really go home now?"

The foreman shouted at him, "If you don't want to leave, come with me to inspect the workshop."

Finally, the once quiet workshop came alive. Many workers quickly packed up their machines and left the workshop. Fang Changlin walked neither fast nor slow, because he felt that this was somewhat unreal. Perhaps the supervisor would come and send them back to work in the next moment.

But he walked all the way to the factory gate without anyone stopping him. The flow of people coming out of the various workshops converged at the factory gate, creating a spectacular sight. However, unlike in the past, the factory gate was now open, and the workers quickly walked out of the factory. Before the mutiny, no, before the revolution, this place was guarded by military police, and everyone was checked before being allowed to leave.

As Fang Changlin walked out the gate, he couldn't help but look up at the sky. His coworker next to him asked, "What's in the sky?"

Fang Changlin said, "I haven't seen the sky at this time of day in a long time, so I wanted to take a look."

The coworker next to him smiled and continued on his way. After a while, Fang Changlin followed the crowd and continued walking. He had never felt that the sky was so beautiful, and the world around him seemed to have become brighter. Even though it was still winter, he felt as if he were walking in a summer field, and the world was beginning to turn colorful.

At the intersection where the factory gate meets the main street, the flow of workers suddenly stopped. Fang Changlin, who usually didn't like watching excitement, was already exhausted from his daily work and had no energy to care about anything else. But today, he also stopped and joined the crowd. It turned out that the union's propagandists were telling the workers that the foreign powers were colluding with the government to try to suppress the revolution in Wuhan.

Fang Changlin suddenly felt a surge of anger and shouted at the union's propagandist, "We should overthrow them!" Soon, the workers around him echoed his sentiments, "Yes, we should overthrow the imperial court and the foreign powers..."

When the British Consul-General in Hankou, Sir John Flint, received the ultimatum from the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, he thought the Chinese must have gone mad. However, he first convened a meeting of consuls from various countries in Hankou to seek a unified response to the ultimatum. Although it was now difficult for the great powers to maintain a united front on the China issue—the principle of unity proposed after the Boxer Rebellion proved to be a joke in the face of self-interest—this principle became untenable when Russia refused to withdraw from Manchuria.

However, in front of the Chinese, the British felt that they should still maintain the dignity of the great powers. The most important point was that the so-called unity of the great powers would ultimately make the Chinese think that Britain was the leader of the great powers. Seeking Britain as a referee to restrain the behavior of other great powers was the first diplomatic strategy chosen by the Chinese.

Through this diplomatic strategy, Britain gained prestige in China exceeding its actual strength and established an order in the Far East by dominating Chinese interests. However, as British prestige declined, other countries became increasingly unfriendly towards the spheres of influence Britain had created in the Far East, forcing Britain to seek Japan's support as a maintainer of British order in the region.

However, as long as the Royal Navy remains, at least other countries won't dare to openly oppose Britain. While the British might not be able to withstand a coalition of other major powers, defeating one would be no problem. The Germans' previous antics stemmed from their assessment that they weren't Britain's primary enemy, and that Britain, already focused on the Franco-Russian alliance, wouldn't provoke another major Central European power.

However, when Britain put aside its grievances with France and Russia and identified Germany as its primary competitor, this major European power immediately felt the pressure from the British Empire, and German political elites began to keep quiet about British affairs. Of course, as a diplomat, Fu Leisi was more knowledgeable than others about the negotiation processes between Britain and France, and Britain and Russia.

The French genuinely wanted reconciliation with Britain, reaching agreements in Africa and Indochina to divide spheres of influence. However, the Russians did not respond overly enthusiastically to British diplomatic proposals. St. Petersburg believed its dominance in northern Persia was secure and did not require British recognition, while in southern Persia, they disagreed with Britain's dominant position in the region.

Judging from the negotiation process between Britain and Russia, the Russians clearly still harbored ambitions for the Indian subcontinent, and were therefore desperately moving closer to its edge, making a war against Russia in the Far East inevitable. Britain chose to side with the Qing government because it did not want China's internal turmoil to give Russia an opportunity to exploit.

After the consuls of France, Russia, Germany, Japan, and the United States gathered at the British Consulate General, the Russian consul immediately addressed them indignantly: "This so-called Soviet of Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers is a completely illegitimate mob organization. I believe they are no different from the Boxers. All countries should coordinate to exert pressure on them and force them to withdraw such arrogant demands..."

The consuls present could understand the Russians' anger. In the ultimatum, the Chinese directly regarded the Russians as enemies, demanding that Russia withdraw its troops from Manchuria and Outer Mongolia by December 25th, otherwise it would be considered that the two countries had entered a state of war. Russian warships and armed personnel were not allowed to cross the Jiujiang line after the 25th, otherwise the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee would launch an attack. This meant that the armed personnel in the Russian concession in Hankou had to withdraw, otherwise the Russian concession would become the target of Chinese attack.

The French consul expressed his support for the Russian consul. The French believed that the Chinese ultimatum was indeed too unreasonable. While issuing a war ultimatum to Russia, the Chinese also demanded that all warships of all countries withdraw by the 25th. Armed personnel remaining in Hankou were not allowed to take weapons out of the barracks and were not allowed to leave machine guns and cannons.

However, the French consul did not agree that the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Soviets in Wuhan were another Boxer Rebellion. He reminded his Russian friends: "...In the past few years, the industrial development in Hankou and Hanyang has been extremely rapid, a pace of development only seen in Berlin and Chicago. The Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Soviets are not just charlatans from the north; they are well aware of the power of machine guns and cannons."

Therefore, this is indeed a declaration of war. If we were to intervene, we would have to be prepared for a real war. However, our country believes that it is not appropriate to directly interfere in China's internal affairs at this time. I advocate sending a telegram to the diplomatic corps in Beijing to lodge a protest directly with the Qing government, rather than engaging in direct conflict with the Chinese here…”

The French consul's position was supported by the American consul. Although they opposed the ultimatum issued by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviets, neither of them advocated a direct counterattack against the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviets.

Sitting in the main seat, Fu Leisi asked the German for his opinion. The German consul glanced at the British and then calmly said, "Our country advocates peaceful coexistence with the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. Judging from the social order of the past few days, we believe that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet has sufficient strength to maintain order in Wuhan. Therefore, our country intends to accept the ultimatum. Of course, our country will not oppose the actions of other countries, but I must remind you that there are our nationals and property in Hankou and Hanyang. We oppose fighting in Hanyang and Hankou."

The German stance was exactly as F. F. had predicted. He didn't mind if the Germans didn't participate in the intervention in Hubei; once the Germans started to back down, they would continue to back down—a diplomatic tactic commonly used by British diplomats. British diplomacy was built on British interests, so when someone threatened those interests, British diplomacy would constantly test the waters until a battle was fought to determine the limits of British power.

The Tibetan expedition was a product of conventional British diplomacy. Having suffered setbacks in Tibet, the British army needed to find another location to attack. Previous concerns about their interests in China ultimately had to be set aside in the face of maintaining order in the Far East. The concessions made by the Germans demonstrated that British diplomacy had once again succeeded; Berlin had failed to withstand the pressure exerted by London.

Just as Fu Leisi was about to give the Japanese consul a chance to speak, a commotion of gongs and drums broke out outside. The consuls from various countries initially thought that the Chinese were about to take some action against the concession, so they all got up and went to the window to observe. Soon, a secretary from the British consulate came in and reported to them that it was just Chinese people parading criminals through the streets, and that it was not a provocation against the concession.

Fu Lei asked in bewilderment, "What criminal? In the past, when Chinese people caught criminals and paraded them through the streets, it wasn't this noisy."

The secretary replied, "It's some opium dealers and human traffickers in Hankou, along with military and police personnel who collude with them..."

Fu Leisi and the consuls from various countries returned to their seats. After the sound of gongs and drums had faded away, he made up his mind and said, "I believe that the ultimatum issued by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee has no legal effect. In order to safeguard our country's legitimate rights in China, I will summon warships to protect our overseas Chinese. What are your opinions?"

The Japanese consul glanced at the British man with some surprise. It was clear that the other party had forgotten to give him a chance to express his opinion. Although it was a humiliation, the Japanese consul, considering the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, decided to maintain the overall situation and agreed to send warships with Britain to protect the Japanese citizens.

Chapter 249 Abandoning Illusions

The British acted swiftly. After deciding to support the Qing government in quelling the rebellion in Hubei and Hunan and to put pressure on the Germans, they immediately allocated 130 million taels from the profits of the railways inside and outside the Great Wall to Yuan Shikai to help him build a new armed force.

Although the Russians occupied Manchuria, they had almost no control over its commerce. As a result, the railways inside and outside the Great Wall still made a considerable profit in 1904, amounting to 180 million taels of silver. According to the Sino-German agreement, the Qing government was entitled to half of the profits. However, facing the threat from the Russians in the north and the rebellion that broke out in Huguang in the south, Yuan Shikai seized the opportunity to propose to the court that six million taels of silver be allocated to strengthen military preparedness.

Yuan Shikai believed that 6 million taels of silver could not only replenish the ranks of one division but also sustain the three divisions of Beiyang for six to eight months. Given the tense situation in the north and south, the imperial court should allocate 200 million taels to Beiyang first, and then Beiyang should borrow 100 million taels to prepare for war.

Yuan Shikai's so-called "self-borrowing" actually meant borrowing money from the British, while the British lent him the profits from China's railways, meaning they didn't contribute any money themselves.

After receiving the money, Yuan Shikai acted swiftly. He used the remaining officers and soldiers of the Beiyang Army's Left and Right Divisions as a base, recruiting troops from Shandong, Henan, and Anhui provinces, and appointing Duan Qirui as commander. He quickly established the framework of the Third Division in Baoding. However, he delayed in fulfilling the court's urging him to send troops to Henan for deployment.

Although Empress Dowager Cixi set the direction of prioritizing peace at the Grand Council meeting, in practice, the Grand Council could not simply ignore the telegram from the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee and directly negotiate peace. If they did, who would care about the authority of the court in the future? Moreover, after Britain announced its support for the Qing government, several Manchu ministers in the Grand Council still advocated that they should fight, just in case they could fight to a draw.

Faced with the aggressive nationalist sentiments of the Han Chinese, the Manchu nobles were truly unwilling to back down. They felt that if they yielded even for the first time, the Qing Dynasty would collapse. Therefore, they were determined to remain firm to the end, and only clean up the mess when they could no longer continue fighting, lest the Han Chinese become too arrogant and seize power from the Manchus.

However, the Manchus are now reduced to nothing more than empty talk. Saying they want to attack Hubei is easy; the real problem is who to send to fight. After all, troops from Hunan and Hubei were mobilized for the previous rebellion in Guangxi. Now that there's a military uprising in Hubei, who should be sent to quell it?

Hunan is practically out of the question; it would be good enough if it didn't fall to the chaotic Hubei army. Sichuan is also hopeless, since Xiliang had previously boasted about training a new army, but the weapons are still in the hands of the Hubei new army. Therefore, only the armies in the Jianghuai region and Henan and Zhili provinces remain available for deployment.

While Yuan Shikai was making excuses, the Manchu ministers in the Grand Council became increasingly determined. They realized that they might still be able to fight the war even without Yuan Shikai. Therefore, they ordered Ma Jinxu, the general of the Huaiyang garrison in Jiangsu, to lead troops from Anhui and Jiangxi westward along the Yangtze River, and ordered Ma Yukun to lead the Yi Army southward to urge the Henan troops to attack Hubei. Sun Wanlin, the general of the Nanyang garrison in Henan, and the Henan New Army were all placed under his command. They also ordered Zhang Biao and Zhong Lin to await punishment and seek merit.

Upon learning of the mutiny in Wuhan, Zhang Biao was initially hesitant. Although Tian Junyi had sent him a telegram informing him that his family was safe and he could return to Wuhan at any time, Zhang Biao heard that Zhang Zhidong had not been imprisoned or punished by the court. Ultimately, he sent a telegram to Zhang Zhidong and, persuaded by Zhang Zhidong, went to serve under Chen Kuilong, the governor of Henan.

On the other hand, Zhong Lintong, who had been expelled from the country by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, did not flee back to his hometown. Instead, he surrendered to the imperial court after arriving in Henan and was eventually taken in by Chen Kuilong. At that time, Henan had 14 battalions of garrison troops, 7 battalions of training troops, and 6 battalions of new troops. Although it was not as strong as Hubei, it was slightly stronger than the troops in Anhui and Jiangxi.

Chen Kuilong welcomed Ma Yukun's southward advance with the Yi Army, but believed that the Yi Army alone would be insufficient to quell the unrest in Hubei. After receiving news from Zhang Biao and Zhong Lintong, this staunch supporter of the Qing Dynasty submitted a memorial to the court, stating: "To quell the unrest in Hubei, the Beiyang Army must be mobilized. Even a lion must exert its full strength to hunt a rabbit, let alone deal with these rebel troops. At this point, northern defense is no longer the primary concern; the crucial task is to quickly suppress the rebel soldiers and civilians in Hubei, preventing them from inciting the people and causing even greater unrest. Otherwise, the Qing Dynasty will be in grave danger."